Repercussions of the Malvinas war a different scope than in 1972. It would not be enough to bring back the ashes of Eva Peron and authorise the return of the
After two months the British colonial expedition has suc- banned Peronist leaders: the 30,000 'disappeared' constitute a ceeded in reconquering the Malvinas. The conflict became a real more bloody barrier to national reconciliation!
war, with hundreds of victims on both sides, and at a cost of bourgeois opposition parties will surely not be either enthusiasover two billion dollars on the British side alone. tie or unanimous to come and take their place in ruination.
But most of all the Malvinas war has clearly illustrated certain characteristics of the world situation: the warlike tenden- Another sector would like to speed up a process of decies and, above all, aggression against the colonial peoples, mocratic opening and re-establish electoral mechanisms in order which flow from the economic crisis and the imperialist arms to allow the army to return to its barracks, and to keep it as a last resort. These military fear that the direct exercise of power race; the lack of an uncontested political leadership in the im- in crisis conditions can only end in dividing the army itself, and perialist camp and the inability of the United States to impose their arbitration; but also the determination of declining imperi- weakening the main guarantor of the state. The latest developalism, like British imperialism, to answer all challenges to its ments can only have confirmed their fears. But the difficulty in this undertaking is in how to control the workers movement.
The Argentine junta underestimated these facts when it After six years of dictatorship, the blows to the traditional prerogatives of the Peronist trade union apparatus have left an orthought it would find the cement of national unity, at limited ganisational vacuum in the workers movement. No one can say what force will be capable of controlling the millions of worknow going to weigh heavily on Latin America in general and Arers exasperated by the crisis, and speaking in their name.
As forecast, Galtieri fell at almost the same time as the Finally, a new hardening of the dictatorship appears as
Malvinas. His fall was inevitable. It clears the ground but re- the only immediate solution to a third sector. It will not resolve solves nothing: all the political solutions envisaged beyond the any of the political, social, or economic contradictions accumuinterim of the generals Nicolaides and St. Jean seem equally un- lated over the last ten years, and will add to the balance sheet of the Malvinas war an increased social isolation of the junta.
One section of the army is tempted by the repetition of a
To illustrate the contradictions of the situation in Argengreat national agreement' between the military and civilians. tina we publish an article on developments in the trade unions
The war could help to forge it. This sacred union today would during the Malvinas war. It is taken from the Brazilian newshave to face up to the terrible economic crisis and expunge the paper Em Tempo, No 151, June 3, 1982. The translation is by humiliation of the defeat. But the obstacles on this path are of
Daniel JEBRAC domination with the support of all its allies. risk, in the expedition to the Malvinas. stable and uncertain.
While the war continues and the population remains powerless faced with the political manoeuvres of the dictatorship, the trade union leaders who conform to the regime continue to ignore the demands of their base and increase their contortions to adapt themselves and face up to the dangers of the imme-
As we can remember, the General Workers Federation (CGT) had organised a demonstration hardly three days before the Argentine landing on the Malvinas and the massive response of the workers as well as the brutal reaction of the government had put a general strike on the agenda. The other section of the trade union bureaucracy, the National Confederation of Workers (CNT-20), which is openly collaborationist and for the last six years has received favours from the junta and opposed all attempts to struggle, was obliged to announce a 'general strike of no fixed date' the day after the CGT demonstration.
After that came the landing, mobilisations in support, and, finally, the war. The bureaucratic leaderships, in particular of the CGT, supported the re12 conquest of the islands while trying to differentiate themselves from the government. For six weeks the CNT remained prisoner of the situation and was only able with difficulty to keep its identity faced with the CGT.
### 'NEO-PERONISM'
The government, or at least one of its component parts, has launched itself into a project which, to give an idea to the reader, we can call neo-Peronism. The Minister of Labour, General Porcile, claims nothing less than to have ranged behind him the two sections of the bureaucracy, to have spoken on May 1 as the representative of the workers with the support of the CGT as well as the
In accordance with this plan, while the British troops were invading the South Georgia islands, he held meeting in front of the government building, supported by the CNT-20 and CGT. The meeting, despite the unitary appeal and the climate of euphoria, drew hardly more than five thousand people, most responding to the appeal of the left organisations. Worse still, the meeting transformed itself into a demonstration of opposition to the dictatorship.
This event added to the internal quarrels of the bureaucracy, and, because of the irremediable political weakness of the government, the May 1 project was aborted. The CGT denounced Porcile and informed the CNT-20 that holding a meeting under the auspices of the dictatorship on the day of the workers holiday 'constituted a flagrant violation of the principles of the workers move-
The CGT called its own meeting and the facts of the situation came out, hardly 1,000 people responded to the call. This setback for the CGT modified the axis of the movement for unification of the bureaucratic leaderships. CNT-20, which had had to accept the perspective of unification under gemony of the CGT, considered an offensive tactic, counting on the support of the government to help it exercise absolute control over a unified CGT, had
The government proposed to implement a four-point plan: to abolish the law banning the CGT; to lift the military intervention in the trade unions; to reinstitute the medical and health service
assistance to the trade unions; call a parity
CG1, and their weakness demonstrated on May 1, the Minister for Labour began the application of plan in agreement with the leaders of the
On May 17 Porcile called a plenary assembly of the general secretaries of the legal unions, that is, excluding the unions under military intervention, the majority of which are organised in the CGT. ostensible purpose was the election of a delegation to the annual meeting of the International Labour Organisation (ILO). But in reality it was to constitute a new CGT. At the time a unity commission of representatives of the CGT and CNT-20 was functioning, preparing the fusion at
Security forces hold back angry demonstrators in Buenos Aires (DR) the top level. According to the subsequent revelations of Jorge Lujan, secretary of the glassworkers union, right up to the eve of the meeting there was an agreement between the two sections on how to divide the responsibilities in a new single confederation. Nevertheless, some hours before it was held the CGT denounced the assembly.
Two leaders of the CGT, of the paper and insurance industries, went to the meeting with three second-tier unions to propose a postponement to avoid the unity breaking up. ceived only the support of 16 unions, with 10 abstentions, against 59 unions voting against. The way was then open for the formation of a new federation, led by the most collaborationist sector, with the blessing of the government, and withPeronists, participation of the orthodox organised in another section. The new organisation, which took the name CGT, claimed the former building of the workers federation in Azopaldo street, and is now known as the CGT-
Three of the twenty leadership positions have been given to dissidents of the old CGT, today known as the CGT-Brazil, after the street where it is sited, which ensures representation for 31 unions ready to go over to the CGT-
THE MOVEMENTS OF THE
TRADE-UNION BUREAUCRACY
The place where the CGT-Azopaldo first saw the light of day-an assembly called by the government-clearly shows what its leaders are made of. One week after its formation the new leadership was received by General Galtieri, who clared, 'Since April 2 I feel myself a new president, and confessed that he would not 'make the same kind of speech as when he had become president, promised to meet the trade unionists again after the ILO meeting to discuss, 'some changes which are going to take place in the country on the economic and social level' and to establish responsibility for 'what has been done well or badly. It CGT-Azopaldo will receive as a bonus the four-point plan outlined above. It could then present itself to the workers as the true workers federation.
The lawyer Antonio Baldassini, general secretary of the post and telecommunications federation, a typical representative of the bureaucracy at the service of the bourgeoisie, has presented a programme entitled Workers unity and national unity'. The total unification of the CGT is presented there as a preliminary step. It proposes "trade-union recomposition' on the basis of 'the repeal of all the legislation of the dictatorship against trade unions and trade-union activity, the immediate re-activation of the economy', and an end to 'the political marginalisation of our people'. It proposes a
THE ARGENTINE TRADE UNIONS
After the coup d'etat in 1976 most of the trade unions were placed under 'military intervention'. However, thanks to the docile bureaucracy, some have continued to function. In most major factories all forms of independent workers organisation (shop stewards, internal committees) have been disrupted. Since then there has been a constant process of reorganisation of trade-union activity in the enterprises. In certain cases, this activity supported by the trade union bureaucracy. In others it started from the rank and file to regain the ground lost
Nationally the bureaucracy is divided into two fundamental tendencies-
Confederation (CNT-20) and the General Workers Confederatiop (CGT).
The first represents the bureaucracy ready to make any agreement with the
It is searching for the space for a stable agreement with the dictatorship. We should remember that is was the principal collaborator of armed forces in the struggle against 'subthe CGT, represents 'Justicialista'Peronism. Its principal leader is Lorenzo Miguel. This sector of the bureaucracy is not inclined towards any sort to present itself within a dynamic without being open opposition, tends to make it appear the most combative in order to impose the best conditions for negotiations with the military.
"political solution which takes into account the aspirations of all the sectors' It does not demand that elections are held because its plan for the time being consists of support for the government in transition of the 'new Galtieri".
The CGT-Brazil, for its part, has lost the initiative and its strength has melted away massively. Introducing a new method of workers struggle, it sent a telegram at the end of May to the President to ask him to change his economic policy. It has launched an appeal for the holding of public meetings to oppose 'the governmental project of creating subservient and dependent trade unionism' and to resist 'the pursuit of anti-national policies'
At the same time, Lorenzo Miguel and Ubaldini, the principal leaders of the CGT, have declared that 'if a special political situation, internal or external, demands it', they will be ready to sign for unity in 72 hours'.
THE LIMITS OF THE MANOEUVRE The reality of the Argentine workers movement, however, is going in a different direction.
The factions of the bureaucracy are stronger or weaker, depending whether the sections of the bourgeoisie and the military to which they have linked their fate are winning ground. But at the same time both are cut off from the base. They are even cut off from the middle layers of the bureaucracy.
The leaderships do not have a clear project, because the bourgeoisie does not. And it cannot have. It could well take advantage of the lack of independent workers organisation. But this game also has its limits. The outcome of the war, whatever it will be, will not change the main direction of the latest manoeuvre of the bureaucracy: the workers movement has regained an enormous political space and it is about to be granted legalisation of the CT, and the recognition of the unions and union activity.
for the defeat the plans of the dictatorship, which will have to extend to of the bureaucracy and formation of a workers party.
In Evin prison - a prisoners account
In the first week of March, Kargar, weekly newspaper of the Iranian Hezbe Kargarane Enqelabi (HKE-Socialist Workers Party) published an