"Nicaragua will not disarm"
technicians are common.
Despite the widespread repudiation aggression, exist among Nicaragua's various political parties and trade unions. introduced a certain sour note into the preparations for the May Day demonstrations, for which the proSandinista unions proposed that all of should join
MANAGUA - More than 100,000 people marched to this city's
Plaza de la Revolucion on May 1, demonstrating their support for the
Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) and repudiating
Reagan's policy of support for the contra mercenaries. Under a blistering midday sun they heard President Daniel Ortega say that
Nicaragua will not disarm itself or negotiate with the US-backed counterrevolution.
HECTOR TOBAR
Ortega's declarations came amidst a rapidly changing diplomatic climate, in which Nicaragua has become increasingly isolated. The Sandinistas have, in the past few weeks, come under strong pressure to sign the most recent peace treaty proposed by the Contadora
Venezuela, nations
Colombia,
Panama and Mexico.
Under this Contadora proposal, all
Central American nations would be
"a moratorium on required to observe the acquisition of new weapons." The proposal does not, however, make any demands on the United States, which could continue to fund the counterif revolution the Contadora even treaty were signed.
Central American nations, which under
US themselves are strong pressure, are pushing for the signing of the treaty on June 8. Recently
President Oscar of elected
Arias
Rica called this a "sacred
Costa date."
Nicaragua was the only country sign a much willing different to in version of the Contadora treaty
September 1984.
The
Reagan addismissed the
Sandiniministration sta offer at that time as a "propaganda ploy.
May Day speech,
Ortega
In his said that Nicargua wants peace and is willing to discuss the remaining points of the Contadora peace treaty. But it
"cannot sign or execute this act as long as the direct and indirect aggression, or aggression in any form, by the United States against Nicaragua, does not cease.
"The United States spends billions of dollars on weapons that endanger the lives of the men who work the land," Ortega
"but raises a said, scandal when
Nicaragua resorts to international solidarity so that the
18 people can have the arms necessary to defend themselves against Yankee aggression.
Ortega concluded that the FSLN and the government of Nicaragua will "continue to defend the right of the Nicaraguan people to arm themselves."
The mood in the Plaza was one of celebration defiance. The festivities had begun the night before in Managua's working-class neighborhoods with bonfires "sociodramas," popular street theater with political themes.
Marchers began to leave for the Plaza in the early morning, arriving in contingents representing trade unions, schools and neighborhood committees. In the Plaza itself people danced and formed human pyramids to raise the red and black flag of the FSLN above the heads of the crowd.
Ortega's speech was interrupted several times as the crowd raised fists in the air and chanted "no pasaran" ("they shall not pass") and "un solo ejercito" ("one unified army"). The strongest reaction was to Ortega's reaffirmation of the FSLN's commitment never to negotiate with the US-backed contra mercenaries.
A student and part-time employee of the Ministry of the Interior who attended the celebrations agreed with Ortega. "Reagan has already said he is a contra. So we won't talk to the contras. but to Reagan, the "jefe' [chief] of the contras."
The contra war continues to wreak havoc on Nicaraguan society. More than 14,000 Nicaraguans have died since 1980 as a result of the war. The war claimed 1,811 victims in the first four months of this year alone.
On May 9, four teachers and three
Talks for a unified May Day celeparticipation of the Sandinista Workers Federation (CST) and several including the Council on Trade Union Unification (CUS), the Federation of (CAUS), the Nicaraguan Workers Fed-
1o Federation-Independent
The CUS is a right-wing confederation known to have close ties to the CIA-financed American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD). The CTN is affiliated with the conservative People's Social Christian
The CAUS is led by Nicaraguan Communist Party (PCN).
groups has approximately 1,000 to 3,000 members.
The CGT-I, affiliated with Nicaraguan is the largest non-Sandinista labor confederation, with 17,000 members. The CST and other Sandinista unions have approximately 202,000 members. An unholy alliance
The non-Sandinista unions withdrew from the talks almost immediately, protesting the presence of other Sandinista trade unions in the committee. The CUS, CAUS, CTN and CGT-I then formed the Committee for the Celebration of May Day Martyrs of Chicago. The unions led and PSN, two pro-Moscow Stalinist parties, thus found themselves allied with the right-wing, pro-capitalist trade unions.
between the far "ultraleft"! common. In a recent issue of Avance, party leader Eli Altamirano "saluted" the right-wing parties, the PSN, and the Catholie hierarchy for having a favorable attitude toward a dialogue with the contras, whom he euphemistically called the "Nicaraguans in arms." Altamirano added that "the International Viewpoint 16 June 1986
More than 80,000 people participated in the May Day rally in Managua (DR)
thesis of national dialogue is the most patriotic thesis that can be defended in our country today."
Eventually, though, talks between the "ultraleft" and right-wing trade unions opposed to the Sandinistas also broke down. As a result, at least three demonstrations were held on May Day.
Apart from the official Sandinista demonstration, the CTN held Catholic mass, led by Cardinal Miguel Obando. The CAUS and the CGT-I joined in a rally at the Plaza Ana
Both opposition rallies drew approximately 1,500 people.
These same political parties represented in the National Assembly, which has recently concluded the first step in the elaboration of a new constitution. The Sandinistas see the constitution as a formalization of the revolutionary power conquered by the people in July 1979. version of the constitution is scheduled to be voted on later this year.
The drafting of the constitution has been strongly opposed by the US government. In fact, the Reagan administration has stated that talks between the United States and Nicaragua can only resume if the National Assembly is dissolved and new elections are held, this time in-
Independent Liberal Party (PLI), a capitalist party deputies in the assembly, has already constitutional process, and other parties are under heavy pressure from the US Embassy
The capitalist opposition has argued that the social and political conditions for the elaboration of a constitution do not exist in Nicaragua.
PLI, Vigilio Godoy Reyes, opposed the idea of a
International Viewpoint 16 June 1986 public discussion of the constitution
"There can be no freedom of expression regarding the constitution while a state of emergency is in effect," he said.
"Freedom of expression exists in Nicaragua," replied Jose Luis Villavithe FSLN's parliamentary fraction coordinator in the assembly.
freedom of information regulated. La Prensa would like to do to our revolution what El Merthe masses and undermine that."Ovanment. We cannot permit
La Prensa has been censored by the government because it consabotaging Nicaragua's defence efforts.
But in spite of this opposition, elaboration of the constitution continues. The main points of a draft prepared by the National Assembly and approved by the FSLN on May 8 will be discussed in 84 public "town scheduled to begin this
The draft of the constitution, according to Villavicencio, is modeled on the Swedish parliamentary system. The future government would assembly and municipal councils.
The drafters of the constitution specifically rejected creating a national governing structure based on the mass organizations, unions and Sandinista Defense Committees (CDS), that is, council of organs of people's power. to even represent the mass organiza-
Villavicencio responded that it was "merely a juridical question." He said the unions and mass organizations would be represented indirectly through the elected legislators of the FSLN.
The capitalist parties have nonetheless opposed the draft. They claim it leaves the main structures of Sanpower intact despite its of the principles of pluralism and the mixed economy. Many conservative leaders, for example, have called for fundamental changes in the nature of the Popular Sandinsta Army, which they say functions as the armed branch of rather than as a national
It seems highly unlikely, however, that the FSLN will permit any fundamental changes in the structure of armed forces while the country is in a state of war. Moreover, the creation of a mass popular army is currently at the heart of the Sandinista's conception of revolutionary
In a speech to a congress of Brazilian sociologists last March, pointed out that in Nicaragua "There is no more radical or consistent way to be democratic than the Sandinista slogan: All arms to the people."
Indeed, since the beginning of the US war on Nicaragua, over 300,000 rifles have been given to the workers
These arms seen everywhere carried by members of the Sandinista Army, the Reserve Militias. Workers and peasants guard ing their factories and farms and are allowed to take
"If our government didn't have the support of the people, if it a democratic government, these guns would be turned government?" Villavicencio. The question did not require an answer.
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