The trajectory of the left
PHILIPPINES
Coexisting inside the governmental structure are dignitaries of the former regime, particularly Enrile as minister of defence; businessmen who hold the important economic posts (4); more or less traditional politicians forces that supported
Cory Aquino's campaign those from UNIDO (5) being more traditional and those from PDPLaban (6) being less so; some Jesuit ideologues around the presidency; and a certain number of individuals recognized by the Philippine left and mass organizations for their nationalist and democratic commit-
AN ARTICLE entitled *The decisive tests facing the Aquino government" in the April 21, 1986, issue of International Viewpoint, described the political debates occurring in the revolutionary movement ment.
Included in this last group are lawyers Jose Diokno, on the presidential human rights commission; Joker Arroyo, presidential executive secretary; Augusto "Bobbit" Sanchez, the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and the "national democrats," were considered. (1) The present article takes up the post-election evolution of the various components of the Philippine left that participated critically in the electoral campaign, calling for a vote for Cory Aquino, particularly the independent Marxists and the "social democrats." (2)
PAUL PETITJEAN
At the center of the differences that emerged between December 1985 assessments of the electoral campaign's dynamic - of the real political stakes.
The unfolding of events proved right those who thought that the elections represented a day of major political reckoning, not a routine exercise.
again, life proved more complex than theory or prognostications. No revolutionary group had, in fact, foreseen the rapidity with which the crisis opened up by the elections was going to be resolved in favor of coalition of forces that was going to be brought to power. Each current, nature of the "February revolution,"
Aquino government, the political situation and the tasks before the country.
The "February revolution" was not included in any pre-election scenario of the big bourgeois political forces
- certainly not in that of Marcos, who hoped to catch the opposition on the wrong foot by abruptly moving forward the date of the presidential election. Nor was it foreseen by the
White House, which was anticipating stabilization of the regime and a breathing space in which it could push through
"reform with continuity" in was not even predicted by the bourgeois opposition, which was betting on either an earlier reversal of American policy or on the effects in the medium term of controlled economic
16 and political pressure.
As for the last-minute enlistees,
Ponce Enrile into this rebellio Pushed abruptly they were by the fear of being purged by a government with its back against the wall.
It was the dynamism and breadth of the mass mobilizations both before, and especially the elections, down and invalidated the pre-established scenarios. (3)
Aquino government is imperialist forces are predominant in
But it also enjoys a legitimacy from having brought to power by an antidietatorial, albeit nonviolent, uprising. It is important to stress that this is a popular legitimacy more profound than one conferred by a normal electoral victory - a legitimacy given an additional sanctification powerful Roman Catholic The Aquino government, therefore, is able to employ a populist style, symbolized by references to "people's power," and by the moral authority embodied in the personality of the president.
Aquino government is - not so much it sees itself that way in the light of constitutional vacuum, but because it reflects and temporary coalition of forces, February of a popular uprising with minister of labor and employment, who is especially valued by the radical trade-union federation KMU; and Mamita Pardo de Tavera, former president of the coalition of feminist organizations, Gabriela, and present minister of social services and development.
The government is therefore the stage for major confrontations, and it is interesting to note that no far-left political force is disinterested in this particular aspect of the present polisituation. None is demanding the immediate resignation of progressive elements in the government in order that they will not be compromised. It is true that the stakes in these confrontations are limited, since they do not affect the country's social structure, but they are important nonetheless. They concern the scope of the dismantling of the dictatorship's physical, juridical and political apparatus, actual freeing of all political prisoners, and democratic
It is common in the Philippines to call "national democrats" those movements and militants that identify with the program put forward by the CPP and the National
The term "social democrats" is avoid too direct an analogy with European democratic movement in fact comes out of is therefore profoundly different from that Christian Democracy. Internationa Vite the or
UNIDO is a coalition of a dozen PDP-Laban (Philippine Democratic Party-Combat)
the Philippine political International Viewpoint 14 July 1986
The entire left has already noted the contradictory aspects of the Aquino government. The declaration published on February 28 by the University of the Philippines Academic Community (UPAC) is representative. Recalling their appearance the barricades February 22-26, the UPAC
Aquino of members assure Corazon their support. But they immediately add: "To our people we pledge our
GRAND MARSHALL our vigilcontinuing solidarity and ance." In fact, if the hour has come
"to rejoice with our people over the
PLAN = of self-esteem recovery our as a nation," it must also be noted that the
"signal
February the events only
ARTAL LAW!
beginning of a revolutionary process,
"can be intercepted at any which point and can even lead to the restoration of the old order rather than the emergence of a different social order."
The UPAC members express their
"great apprehension" in view of the
Demonstrating against US policy in Manila (DR.) *reappearance of the pre-Martial Law politicians and oligarchs" and the presence of "propagandists, technocrats, military hatchetmen of the Marcos regime. ... We are convinced that the situation warrants renewed and sustained vigilance so that the clear gains of people's power are not lost." (7) "People's power"
The experience of "people's power" during the electoral campaign that is, an unprecedented mass mobilization — the fragility of that power in view of the absence of adequate grassroots committees and the regroupments that have taken place, have given rise to the new political movements within the Philippine left.
Following in the wake of the events at the end of February came the birth of a new coalition: the Lakas ng Sambayan (People's Power), known also as Lakas and called initially Cory Aquino's People's Power (CAPP).
Lakas brings together different "alliances," like Bandila (8), the Independent Caucus (9), Families for Justice and Peace, Philippine Women's Solidarity and the Coalition for the Advancement of Popular Movements (CAMP). Lakas also includes some activist organizations engaged in sectoral mass work. Its spokespeople are Emmanuel Soriano (Bandila), Randolf "Randy" David (Independent Caucus) and Edmundo "Ed" Garcia (Kaakbay). (10)
In a declaration dated March 2, 1986, Lakas asserts that "the Philippine experience is unprecedented, unedited, yet unfinished.... For certain sectors the long popular struggle ... began even before martial
International Viewpoint 14 July 1986 law was imposed." In February 1986, "the decisive factors . .. were the power of the people, the power of faith and the unwavering leadership of Corazon Aquino," to which should be added the position of the episcopal conference after the elections (11) and the rebellion of the army's reform movement.
"The popular revolution involved the seizure of state power by the people; it was essentially a political act. However, it remains unfinished. To become a social revolution, social relations and social structures need to be transformed. ... To accomplish these tasks, the people's power must now be systematically articulated and translated into a cohesive, organized and sustained promote people's democracy, national sovereignty, justice and equity. The logic and the interests of the working classes must be advanced."
Lakas has set as its objective "to harness power of the people." In order to accomplish this, the coali-
"From People's Power to 19. 16, The Hague, January-March, 1986.
Bandila (Banner) is a coalition of launched by the June of that year. The full name is: Bansang at Layunin (Will and On the Independent Caucus, see later in the article inlan Sanbayanan (Movement for National Sovereignty and Democracy).
tion is aiming to rally the organizations that fought against the dictatorship and supported Cory Aquino's campaign, to consolidate the autonomous popular groups in various social sectors and regions, and to build a broad alliance of activist groups. "Lakas believes in a popular democracy which is pluralist and listens to the authentic voice of the autonomous people's organizations." (12)
In an interview in the magazine Midweek, Lakas' general secretary, "Ed" Garcia, clarified the politics of the coalition, its origin composition. Queried about the relations between Lakas and the government, he noted that the coalition had supported the appointment of several ministers, such as Bobbit Sanchez and Mita Pardo de Tavera, and of assistant ministers such as Karina Constantino-David, a member of the Kaakbay movement.
But Garcia made it clear that Lakas' goals require preserving its conference see the article in IV, No. 93, February 24, 1986.
12. Lakas Sambayan: declaration reprinted in 'Kasarinlan, Philippine Quarterly of Third World Studies,' Third World Studies Centre, University of the Philippines, Volume 1, No. 4, 2nd Quarter, 1986, p.50-1.
13. Karina Constantino-David, presently deputy minister for social affairs and development, was teaching at the Institute of Social Work and Community Development at the University of the Philippines (UP). She was the president of the UP section of Kaak bay. One of her recent articles, "Community Organization and People's Participation, the Philippine Experience" can be found in 'Kasarinlan, Volume 1, No. 2, 4th Quarter, 1985. In the same issue and on the same theme is a study by Jurgette A. Honculada on the history of the organization of struggles in the huge shanty town of Tondo, in Manila: "Case Study: ZOTO and the TwiceTold Story of Philippine Community Organizing.
17
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TERR take iT with yo forget
independence from the government:
"To be able to fulfill our role of articulating the popular interests, we must have an independent position.
We must not be beholden to the government.
distance." (14)
Lakas was formed, Ed Garcia organizations.
sented a continuation of the dynamic toward unity that got underway after
August 1983 assassination of
Benigno Aquino. During the election campaign, various left political moveIndependent Caucus and the activist social-democratic organizations.
A number of local organizations, such as Cory Aquino for President, Cory's Victory and Moves, joined this bloc. It is possible that up to some groups that advocated the boycott, like Kadena (15), a member of Bayan, which has critically re-examined its electoral position. o
Kadena, which claims 20,000 members, has acknowledged that the decision to boycott the February 7 elections was a caused by a series of analytical errors concerning the dynamic of the electoral struggle:
analysis of the national situation was way off the mark, thus our policy on the issue was "we reneged on our commitment Kadena's national council decided to Kadena recognizes its mistakes and that it is willing to rectify." (16) Ed Garcia, is to develop a network of autonomous people's groups, to promote self-organization masses, to bring together those who engaged in political activity for during the numerous - and to maintain a unified
"Lakas is not the group. I think that we should be very, ments and other forces which may be effective. If any launches initiatives which should be supported and it can present its ideas in a credible manner, we can follow its lead. It can be the Lions, it can be Cursillo, it can be the NDF, it Nemenzo, president of Lakas' commission on foreign affairs, it is necessary to offer an answer to the country's on the US bases, for example, 18 and on the handling of the interna selective repudiation of our country's should not
Westinghouse" for the nuclear power station in Bataan, which abandoned. More basically, reform is the most essential domestic task facing government.
Aquino does not really have a clear agrarian-reform president she the land problem."
"The people's victory remains incomplete"
For deepening the popular struggle, the role of the underground tionary organizations like the NDF, the NPA and the CPP are crucial for
Nemenzo. Facing the armies, both governmental and the still unconreactionary private the underground organizations should not come out into the open or lay down their arms. (18)
The Independent Caucus (IC), a component of the Nationalist Bloc the election campaign of Lakas, arose at the end of 1985 after Bayan's May-June crisis. (19)
a declaration dated March
Rebellion to Revolution," the IC wrote that "no one could have foreseen that our political would come swiftly or that it would take the form it did: a spontaneous outpouring of support to the military elements in the military, by largely uncoordinated masses of unorganized individuals and organized groups."
After an analysis of the that led to the dictatorship's fall - of the "parliament of the streets" since August 1983, the defeat of the boycott campaign, the role of the Catholic Church, intervention that the People,"
14.
"More Power to
'Midweek, interview with
Ed
Garcia,
1986, p.9. Ed Garcia,
April 23, former
Jesuit priest, began his political activity
1970 in when he founded
Lakasdiwa
Force).
He radicalized partly spending seven years in Latin
He returned a non-Jesuit. After his return to the Philippines in 1981, he
University the of became a member of become again general
Democrasya at
Democracy in
1984.
authenticated the article cited below.
16.
Article by
Katipunan, '
Volume XII,
April, 1986, p.10.
'Midweek,
Garcia, op.. cit.,
Democratic
Front.
NPA:
People's Army
(led by the civic group.
Cursillo is a religious movement. o
"transformed the military mutiny into an open rebellion against the Marcos regime" - the IC people's victory remains incomplete."
Not all of the people's enemies have been vanquished; there is a danger of elite rule being reimposed; a mode of continues to lead the country into still with the people." The Aquino government is sensitive to democratic
*The liberal atmosphere provides ample room of the assertion of the agenda." It is necessary to fight for a series of basic demands, such as people's committees, a nationalist economic social ownership and workers' control of the key industries, a genuine agrarian reform, protection of the environment, a fight against illiteracy and for the development of national culture. (20)
The formation of the Independent
Caucus illustrates the evolution of the (independent of the CPP as well as of the old pro-Moscow PKP - the earlier Communist Party) in the Philippines, from fragmentation and paralysis toward regaining the initiative. In fact, the IC includes a wide range of little groups of different origins, which have now formed a new political movement, Bisig [Bukluran sa Ikauunlad ng Sosyalistang at Gawa - Regroupment for the Development of Socialist Ideas and Action]. The IC includes some academics — particluarly University of Philippines and the Third World Studies won over to socialism through theory; their practical involvement with the urban and rural poor; trade unionists; former CPP activists, some of whom first brought together in the People's Liberation Movement (PLM) (21); and still others coming out of the social-democratic current or out of
18. Dr. Francisco Nemenzo, "Building People's Power in Philippines," 'Direct Action, No. 564 ADri 23, 1986 After the
19. See election: reassessment in the revolutionary left," IV 20 dependen 1986
Independent Caucus: "From Rebelllion to Revolution," March 23. 1986, mimeographed document, two pages.
21. The PLM was set up in 1980, most notably with former militants of the CPP, often former prisoners, and some militants of Protestant origin. In the statutes adopted by its preparatory commi sion, the PLM declared itself in favour ol armed struggle against the dictatorship and for a "pragmatic socialism, where both 'co-operativism' and individual initiative and creativity were respected and encouraged. Constitution of the PLM, preparatory commission, March 1, 1980, 22 mimeographed pages. This organization has been linked with Dr. Nemesio Prudente, one of the prisoners released after the victory of Corazon Aquino. International Viewpoint 14 July 1986
FROM PHIL. TFRB OUT THE US.7 FLEET
Students demonstrate for a boycott of the February elections and against the US bases (DR
B00T
the PKP, such as Francisco Nemenzo. g
The "little left" has made remarkable comeback. Since the end of the 1960s, in fact, the Marxist political scene has been dominated by the rapid decline of the PKP and the rapid ascent of the "new" CPP. (22) The PKP never recovered from the 1967 expulsion-split of Joma Sison and its best youth in the famous Kabataan Makabayan [KM - Nationalist Youth].
After the imposition of martial law in 1972, the PKP engaged in a process of open political capitulation, which ended in 1974 with a "political agreement" with Marcos and a "reconciliation" meeting in the presidential palace. Jose Lava, the best-known of its leaders, has a post in Prague. Some other PKP cadres were integrated into the very same administration that had martial law. Not until 1980, at its eighth congress, did the PKP, probably extremely weakened, timidly take its distance from the regime. In the February 1986 elections, called for casting a writing slogans on the ballots. (23)
The fifth PKP congress, held in 1973, 27 years after congress in 1946, confirmed line of capitulation. One opposition faction - the Marxist-Leninist Group, particularly powerful in the youth organization and in Manila - opposed this course. In May 1973 most of this faction's cadres were physically liquidated on the order of the party's leadership.
Francisco Nemenzo, a member of the political bureau and head of the opposition, escaped. The Marxist-Leninist Group (MLG) was set up as an independent organization. But it was very late in the day. Repression under martial law was severe, and the CPP had been capturing the revolu-
International Viewpoint 14 July 1986
NUE OF FIL tionary energy of the radical youth for some time. The MLG forces remained slender.
The other Marxist groups of the period were incapable of holding up against the martial-law system. This was true, notably, of a very small Trotskyist organization, Samahan ng Kabadaang Sosialiyista (SKS → Young Socialists Association) (24), was linked to the Fourth International. In 1971, it published a bulletin called Philippine Socialist Review, which was printed in Los Banos, 40 miles from Manila. apparently disintegrated completely in
At the end of the 1970s and the beginning of the 1980s, with the broadening of the struggle, various Marxist and socialist surfaced or sprang up. It was these that took the initiative in launching the Independent Caucus, after the failure of unity moves toward the
The groups involved were in agreement about a democratic conception of socialism, the use of Marxist and non-Maoist analytical categories (for example, they did not use the category "semi-feudal" to describe the mode of production dominant in the Philippines), about defending a non-manipulative use of the united front; and they shared a willingness to present country's crisis. The that the CPP refused to do, insisting upon an initial national-democratic stage. joined by the "democratic socialists" or "dem-socs" - some of the more radical elements of the "social democrats," or "soc dems" - who defined themselves both by socialist and Christian principles.
origins of the "social
BOYCOTT
SNAP POLL
MAKABAY*.. democratic" current date back to the start of the 1950s, when Jesuit priests (especially American but also some Filipinos) helped to launch the Free Federation of Workers (FFW) and the Free Farmers' Federation (FFF). The project was clearly anticommunist and the views of those involved were reflected in the magazine, Philippines
On the political level, Raul ManSocial-Christian Movement in 1968. It never succeeded
"third force," large parties liberal and nationalist — or between the traditional bourgeois parties and the Marxist left.
the youth this democratic" project had the support of very large Catholic educational institutions, whose student councils held a majority in the National Union of Students of the Philippines (NUSP), founded in 1957. The youth organibelonged to this tendency. (25)
Very quickly, however, the social-democratic current was to undergo
22. See on this subject "Rectification Process in the Philippine Communist Move. ment," Francisco Nemenzo, Institute of South-East Asian Studies, Singapore, November 17-19 1982. See also the very interesting study Armando Malay Jr: "Maoisme, loi martiale et insurrection aux Philippines (1966-1980) ("Maoism, martial law and insurrection in the Philippines"), thesis presented for the 'diplome de doctorat' for the third semester at the University of Paris VII, December, 1985.
23. See "Primer on the Snap Elec tion, communique of the PKP, January 1986, printed leaflet, 4 pages.
24 The SKS polemicised mainly against those that it thought had a rightist line on the "popular front" of the CPP.
Kasapi: Kapulungang ng Sandigang Pilipino (Forum Filipino bases). This organization, having become clandestine in 1972, entered into negotiations with the PDSP (see later in this article) in 1976, but finally decided to remain organiza tionally independent.
19
differentiation. A large wing of the youth (as well as of the clergy) radicalized, shocked by the evolution of the FFF. Under the leadership of Jeremias Montemayor, a law professor in the Jesuit faculty, the conservative character of the FFF assumed particularly serious forms. On June 29, 1973, Montemayor turned over to the army seven FFF cadres, including
Father Zacarias Agatep, accusing them of plotting against the life of President Marcos. Young cadres radicalized
Montemayor was to become member of the National Assembly under martial law, while Father Zacarias underwent a long process of radicalization that led him to join the NPA in 1980. He was killed by the army in 1982.
Among the many young cadres who radicalized was Edgar Jopson. A vociferous anti-Marxist polemicist and president of the NUSP in 19691970, he came into contact after martial law with the underground milieu. He was soon heading up the propaganda commission of National Democratic Front. Captured in 1978, he immediately escaped and joined the guerrillas. He was killed by the army in 1982 at Davao (on Mindanao Island). Others, like Ed Garcia, who is today a member of Lakas and who was a founder in 1970 of Lakasdiwa (Spiritual Force), also broke away from the idea of a "peaceful revolution." Alter a long stay in Latin America as a press correspondent, he became an important personnage in the independent left.
martial law the social-democratic fragmented and divided along lines of cleavage that are not always easy to trace. movement's ideology at the beginning was that of the "peaceful revolution," as opposed to "Marxist violence." the democratic movement spawned some armed groups such as the April 6 Liberation Movement (A6LM) and Sandigan. (26) But none of these groups were able to stabilize themselves to the slightest extent.
The best known of the social-democratic political organizations is the Philippine Democratic Socialist Party (PDSP), organized in 1973 and inspired ideologically by two Jesuit priests, Jose Blanco and Romeo Intengan. Anti-Marcos and endowed with a fairly radical socio-economic program, the PDSP was at that time more anticommunist than anything else. In a 1978 internal bulletin, 20 the party's leadership affirmed that "under no circumstances will we maintain any ideological, strategical and tactical relations with elements of the extreme left. Moreover, we shall exert our utmost effort at isolating them through concerted and continuous criticism/of their materalist dogmas and their manipulative praxis." (27)
This position was still held by the PDSP leadership in 1984, to judge from a document published by the Centre for Philippine Concern, established in Spain (where the Rev. Intengan is a refugee). Analyzing the "dilemmas" of the "democratic left," the document notes that "some elements in the dictatorship are preparing to protect their interests by guerrillas are extending their control over considerable areas of the countryside. The democratic opposition forces would then have to choose between simply capitulating or engage these two enemy unfavourable conditions." (28)
Religion has been used as a weapon against Marxism. Monsignor Francisco Claver, who connected to the "social democratic" current and who fought against the dictatorship, refers
"miracle of EDSA" (from the name of the Avenue E. de los Santos in the capital, where in February, the people built barricades to protect the rebel officers): revolution took place in a short 77 hours between February 22 and 25 rosaries, crucifixes, religious images of the Virgin and the Holy Child, born of faith." (29)
But generally, writes, "the soc-dem's ideology is eclectic. One political (Francisco Nemenzo) refers to it as a 'hodgepodge Christianity? It appropriated many of the 'nat-dems' (30) political categories, while appearing to have an contribution capitalism' version of 'socialism.' Much of this is due to the late development of the struggle it had to undergo to shed off its reformist past. The electicism in ideology reflected erratic political program, especially during the martial-law years, where the movement was split over revolutionary strategy." (31)
It is true that the PDSP has never succeeded in becoming a real party or in establishing control over grassroots groups. Social democrat Agapito "Butz" Aquino, the president's brother-in-law, notes that, in fact, once gone underground the
PDSP "didn't consolidate anymore. So, different groups operated in different parts of the country. Now, I think they're trying to consolidate again to form a national organization." (32)
• wide range of political splinte roups and groupings involved in mo or less autonomous sectoral work are to be found operating under the name "soc-dems," and making common references to democratic socialism and Christianity. Besides the PDSP, there are the Philippine Youth for the Advancement of Faith
"dem-soc" "left." The origins some present social-democratic factions can be traced to pre-martialnumber of social-democratic groups principle of their ideological leadership and defended the principle of an active alliance with
The heads of the movement -and especially the anticommunist ideologues were firmly ensconced in the social elite and in bourgeois politics. But the activists rooted in mass work, on the contrary, are identified with the people's cause. The same was true of some well-known individuals in the nationalist left. It is probable that in the near International Viewpoint 14 July 1986
F PAMBANSANG KOALISYOW
IC WA MANGGACN future, a lot of ambiguities will have to be cleared up between those who will continue to look for bourgeois solutions to the socio-economic crisis and those who will seek working-class and popular solutions.
The situation opened up by the "February revolution" is objectively favorable to wrthe popular forces. Economic crisis continues to impel social mobilization. The democratization of the regime is enlarging the arena for the mass organizations. New experiences of unity are therefore possible. And debate is flourishing in a welcome ideological springtime. The Philippine left T all tendencies of it — can remodel their political thinking based on current experience. CPP caught off guard by events
But the subjective situation remains difficult. The CPP was caught off guard by events; the ideological and political initiative passed to the bourgeois reformist forces. As to the "little left" and the social-democrats, they must prove themselves capable of solving a lot of problems that are new for them, such as building organizations sufficiently unified and solid to conduct a cohérent policy on a national scale. In the case of the social-democrats, they have to
International Viewpoint 14 July 1986
NPA — the "zombies" — to discredit class choice.
These make a clear all the more pressing since movement. (35)
the revolutionary tasks are no one knows how long the present
And finally, on the ideological plane, situation will last. Repression could, the fuss made over an article by decend again journalist Ross H. Munro in the
December 1985 Commentary entitled
"The New Khmer Rouge"
repression has the CPP, the NPA and all the forces appeared. Despite the wave of releases linked to them - is symptomatic.
of political prisoners that followed
A broad anti-Marxist offensive been mounted. It would be dangerous to underestimate it.
remain in the provincial jails. This was
In the face of these attacks, interat least the case at the beginning of
All left forces, progressive, popular
Franciscan nun Mariani Dimaranan published for the Task Force Detainon this issue, despite whatever political avoid complying with the should do this first of all out of an presidential order freeing all political elementary commitment to solidarity, prisoners, the military simply juggle and second because the CPP and the the formal status of the prisoners,
NPA, although the first to be threatened, are not, in fact, the only for example, targeted. In the end, the anti-Marxist unlawful "possession of weapons."
offensive underway
The testimony of several jouralists independent mass movement and all
- such as that of Deb Shnookal and socialist forces.
Russell Johnson in Negros (34) - has just confirmed this fact. It is therefore urgent to continue the fight, in the
Philippines as well as internationally,
33.
See the articles in the Philippine for the release of all political prisoners, daily
'We
Forum,
March
25-31,
1985,
International or farmers and the article in the
Herald Tribune: on May 5, 1986.
unknown to the general public.
34.
Deb Shnookal and Russell Johnson:
"Repression continues
"Sugarland',
The armed forces, too, have
*Intercontinental
19,
1986,
Press,
May tinued their numerous antiguerrilla
P.310-312.
See "The 'Zombies' in Mindanao,"
operations. They are activating the agents they have infiltrated into the
Manila, April, 1986, No. 20, p.14.
Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU) May Day rally, 1984 (DR)
BAYONG PA
BOYCOTT
RATI
U-WILDI U3
LUCAUZ
(OnCO
21