See International Viewpoint' No 104, September 15, 1986, page 25.
International Viewpoint 29 September 1986
BRITAIN
By forcing to light important aspects of these underground and illegal police operations, the lawsuit filed 13 years ago by the SWP and Kinnock's Trade Union YSA has gained ground for the entire working-class movement and for every defender of democratic rights. Hundreds of thousands of pages of secret government files were brought to light, expanding the knowledge of the people of the United States about the nature, methods, and scope of the government's secret police operations.
RON TODD, general secretary of the Transport and General Workers'
This suit against the government
Union, summed up the main line of this year's Trade Union Congress has already won active support from thousands of individuals and scores
(TUC), when, speaking in favour of the resolution which commits of organizations around the country.
the TUC for the first time to support state interference in trade-
All those who have been supporters union rule books, he said: "A vote for the composite is a vote of of this fight, and the many more confidence in the document, in [Labour Party leader] Neil Kinnock, who will now join us, have three opportunities.
in our own democracy and members."
First, to use the truths this case has uncovered to educate about the covert operations of the political police - their scope, their nature, their targets, and their deadly threat to democratic rights.
Second, to grab with both hands and use in every possible way the new legal weapon that has been won to extend democratic rights.
And third, to join with the Political
Rights Defense Fund - with contributions and statements of support - to help raise the tens of thousands of dollars that will be necessary for the next round of legal battles, in which Leonard Boudin will represent the SWP and YSA.
Judge Griesa's ruling leaves the door open for further restrictions that can be imposed on government interference with political and trade union organization and action. It sets the stage for the next round of legal
Griesa states proceedings ge in his decision that he will grant the SWP's motion that the FBI and other govemment cop agencies be permanently barred from any further use or distribution of secret files "obtained illegally or developed from illegally obtained information."
The judge announces
*a that further proceeding will be necessary to identify precisely what documents and records fall into this category.
Literally millions of pages of files, in the hands of the FBI and a dozen other federal agencies, are involved.
The forthcoming hearing before
Judge Griesa will allow the attorneys for the SWP and YSA to pursue the question of which of these files were gotten illegally, and exactly what should be done with them now. These hearings can be the occasion for carving out still further victories.
This presents an immediate opportunity, which - with continued moral and financial support — we will pursue as far as possible.
REDMOND O' NEILL
The week of the TUC was orchestrated around this theme, subordinating all other considerations to uniting behind Kinnock with the aim of winning the next general election. This approach put Kinnock in a powerful position to dictate terms to the congress
Kinnock's first need was to put the maximum distance between the TUC and the 1985-86 miners' strike even though that gigantic battle did more damage to Margaret Thatcher's Tory government, including at the polls, than any other event in its entire seven year period in office. Other struggles which "disrupted" the Labour leadership's line for the election were not to be supported. Consistent with this the TUC General Council fought, unsuccessfully, for the resolutions supporting workers fighting at Wapping, anderalso at Silentnight, to be remitted. (1) These were both carried by very large majorities.
The second of Kinnock's terms was that the trade union movement accept key planks of the Tory anti-trade union laws - and specifically the right of the state to dictate the content of trade-union rule books in relation to ballots over strike action. This was carried in the TUC/ Labour Party Liaison Committee document and timin si Composite [motion] One → adopted on the first day of the congress by a large majority on a show of hands.
The third element of strategy adopted was an economic policy organized around a "National Economic Assessment", which is just another way of saying a social contract in the same mould as the one which proved so disastrous under the last Labour government. Its core is a set of priorities, which it is claimed would first reduce unemployment by one million in two years, second attack low pay and third, only afterwards, set about raising the living standards of the rest of the working class. In other words it proposes to finance Labour's programme at the expense of sections of the working class instead of the capitalist class.
It was this type of catastrophically disastrous incomes policy which allowed Margaret Thatcher to get elected in the first place. More to the point this economic policy will not work at all. Wage controls divide workers
Unfortunately progressive measures, above all the TUC's historic support for a statutory national minimum wage, are situated within this overall framework. So a policy of a minimum wage, which has enormous potential to unite the working class and draw significant numbers of unorganized workers into the labour movement if fought for decisively, is situated firmly within an economic strategy which counter-posed it to the living standards of other sections of the working class. And wage controls are a sure fire way to divide the working class.
1. The Wapping and Silentnight dis putes are both prolonged strikes against redundancies. On the Wapping printworkers' strike against press magnate Rupert Murdoch, see articles 'International Viewpoint' No. 97, April 21, 1986 and No. 103, July 14, 1986.
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Congress
Describing Kinnock's speech on the second day of the TUC, which was billed as the high point of the week, the Kinnockite journal New Statesman eulogised in an editorial under the title "A Prime Minister in Waiting" It declared: "The TUC speech underscored what has emerged as the central Kinnock theme: that organized labour's place would be separate from, and subordinate to, his own as a future prime minister."
Kinnockite leadership of the trade-union the dominance of its political strategy for the first time at this year's TUC. The fight for a Kinnock-led Labour government is presented as the answer to unions.
Membership of TUC affiliated unions has declined to 9.5 More significantly the proportion of the workforce in TUC-affiliated unions declined from over 50 per cent in 1979 to only just over 40 per cent today. The Kinnockite majority in the TUC's approach to dealing with this is purely electoralist.
proposal is that a Labour government should legislate rights to
"protection" join trade union, against unfair dismissals and against low pay — all measures that naturally must be supported. The unions will then recruit on the basis that their role will be to make sure employers carry out these laws. What was not considered was the situation in meantime of those such as strikers
Striking printworkers at Wapping continue to fight (DR)
RUPERTS
THE SACK!
24 at Wapping, those at Silentnight, Black workers to fight racist employthe miners, or those like the striking ers and organize within the unions, Asian workers at Kenure in West will inevitably put this question of London who are fighting for union Black self-organization on the traderecognition and decent wages. Nor was union movement's agenda. the question asked of what is done if The issue of racism, however, did Labour is not elected, or is elected but serve as an introduction to the does not carry out its promises, or is major current standing outside the elected but bends to employers. Kinnockite consensus at the Congress. Furthermore the demobilization of This was an oblique reference to the of the labour movement involved in rebellions in Handsworth, Brixton and SO this strategy will not aid Kinnock, Tottenham Black communities made by Eric Hammond of the electricians' re
While the Kinnockite leadership union, the EETPU, when he spoke CC of the TUC attempted to present a resolution opposing the OI an acceptable face to the press, two introduction of plastic bullets into th decisive issues - from the standpoint cities. Hammond argued for pr of strengthening the unions for the such as Handsworth and CC
Labour needs and for the Broadwater Farm to be all necessary force" and tried de unity of the working class - were not considered at all at this year's TUC to provoke the congress by claiming al There was no discussion of the self- he could only address it because of di organization representation police protection. re women and Black people in the trade This debate, as well as that on m unions - in order to make them more -where the EETPU was effective instruments of fighting for condemned as the organization which women workers and against racism. had made Rupert Murdoch's union-
These issues simply did not figure busting operation possible - showed on the TUC agenda. This is despite the the "new realist" right around Eric fact that the number of women in the Hammond and John Lyons to be in a
"new realist" unions continues to increase, and the growing pressure from women workers right, however, continues to be a disfor forms of organization and represen- tinct and clear political current within tation that can allow their voices to the TUC. Their economic strategy be heard and influence policy. centres on improving the living stan-
Some unions are now discussing dards of the best paid workers through the establishment of reserved places alliances with the employers and the for women on their National Execu- capitalist class against the poorest tive Committees (NECs). The demand sections of the working class. They of the Labour women's conference are resolutely opposed to unilateral for women to elect the women's nuclear disarmament and strongly section of the Labour Party NEC is - Economic paralleled in similar struggles in the Community).
The EETPU's approach to unioniza-
At present the women's confer- tion centres on deals with the employences, including the TUC women's ers, with the union selling the workers' conference, have little or no power. rights to strike in exchange for single-
The women's section of the TUC union recognition. It maintains rela-
General Council is not elected by tions with the breakaway Union of women workers at the TUC women's Democratic Mineworkers (UDM). (2)
conference but by the TUC itself. Politically this current orients to the Social Democratic Party (SP)/
The movement of women into the unions has explosive potential to shake Liberal Party Alliance. Lyons is the first member of the TUC General up the present bureaucratic structures of the labour movement. But, despite Council who is a member of the SDP.
EETPU enjoys brave words, the steps being taken to relations with the SDP leadership.
meet the needs of women are com pletely inadequate. This is a decisive On issue after issue it was strategic weakness of the trade-union that whilst the Kinnockites held a real majority in the TUC, and have Similarly there was no discussion of become more politically coherent,
Black organization in the unions. The nevertheless Hammond, Lyons (and on
TUC General Council remains entirely most issues the engineers white. Bill Morris, the new the AEU leadership) form a clear and coherent minority.
Transport and General Workers' Union, Whilst the TUC General Council's knuckles were rapped over its failure is the first deputy general secretary of the union for 24 years not to be to deal with the EETPU's scabbing at nominated by the union's executive Wapping, it was also clear that the for either the TUC's General Council General Council have no intention of or the Labour Party NEC. Yet the taking on a fight against the tradecombined impact of Labour Party political line ot
Black Sections, and movements of the EETPU - because they themselves
International Viewpoint 29 September 1986
a International Viewpoint 29 September 1986 accept parts of it and certainly do not have an effective alternative. On the contrary their line of subordinating everything to a Labour government, and paying for reforms at the expense of different sections of the working class, provides important openings for Hammond and the right to pose as the defenders of skilled workers, in favour of maintaining wage differentials and
Both the Kinnockites and the "new realist" right represent varieties of class collaboration. Both reject an assault on capital — the only way of uniting the working class. But they are today different forms of class collaboration. Hammond's policy of defence of skilled workers, direct "no strike" deals with employers, and coalition with the Alliance can directly clash with the policies of returning a majority Labour government and trying to win over the low paid which are being pursued by the
This political difference is important for the third current seen at this year's congress — and by far the smallest. This was the class struggle current represented by the Arthur Scargill/ Peter Heathfield leadership of the NUM and minority forces who look to them in other unions, and their allies in the left-wing Campaign Group of Labour MPs. Playing into the Tories' hands
Writing in the TUC edition of Campaign Group News, Peter Heathfield warned about the TUC: "The danger is that trade-union leaders will respond by saying well hold tight until the election. Such a strategy, however, plays into the Tories hands. If you wait and wait on the assumption that Labour will win the election that could result in Margaret Thatcher bouncing back."
The NUM leadership did play an important role in the TUC on a number of issues. The July NUM conference had made headlines all over the world by welcoming Cyril Ramaphosa, general secretary of the South African NUM, to Britain at the height of Botha's crackdown on the trade unions. The NUM also made the running in the debate on nuclear power -where their resolution sponsored jointly with the Fire Brigades Union and the National Union of Seamen was only very narrowly defeated in favour of the General Council's call for a review of nuclear power.
But on the central issue of the Tories' trade union laws and the policy of the TUC, the NUM amendment opposing state interference in the
Labour Party leader Neil Kinnock (DR) unions was withdrawn by the 28strong NUM delegation. Scargill and Heathfield were heavily defeated in the delegation - in a vote which united the right and supporters of the Communist Party (CP). As a result the NUM delegation voted in favour of Composite One endorsing state interference, in favour of a separate resolution calling on the TUC itself to draw up guidelines on trade-union democracy, and did not vote on the TUC/ Labour Party Liaison document.
This was a severe defeat for the leadership of the union which has suffered most as a result of court interference in the trade unions. It produced eulogies to Mick MeGahey in the capitalist press, and signalled an intensification of the campaign against Scargill within the NUM -a campaign which unites the CP and the right wing in the union.
Notwithstanding important victories over Wapping, on South Africa, and a very narrow defeat on opposi to nuclear power, the dominance of the "sit tight till the general election" line of Kinnock. It also registered the maintainance of the "new realist" grouping sin the General Council. Overall the General Council moved slightly to the right.
The problem the class struggle forces face is to cut into the bloc Kinnock has constructed within the labour movement. Precisely because these forces are a small minority they have to have correct united front tactics to win over Kinnock's supon the in objectively key
This was seen clearly over Wapping - where the impact of the struggle there, together with support other unions, isolated the right. The same was done on nuclear power and South Africa -and last year on Justice for Mine. workers. The same must be done on the demands of women and Black people within the labour movement. While it is more difficult to do, the same must be pursued in starting to introduce the issue of Ireland into the TUC — where it has been a forbidden topic for many years. It can also be done on issues of international solidarity such as Central America.
• On these and other issues the aim must be to force united action by the class struggle forces with those supporting the Kinnock line in the unions - and particularly their base. It means participation in organizations like the broad lefts, linking militants in the NUM with the left wing in the public sector unions like the teachers' union, the NUT, and promoting movements of women and Black people -which are often more advanced in the public sector. It means linking militants in the major public sector and white collar unions with those in the industrial unions. It means having specific tactics towards the Morning Star wing of the Communist Party - which will inevitably be in a number of these developments politics must not be allowed to dominate. (3)
This year's TUC was a setback in the class struggle. It subordinated the interests of those who are fighting Thatcher to a (false) calculation of what is in Labour's electoral interests. It accepted a framework of anti-union laws, and put forward no policies which would solve the problems of mass unemployment other key issues facing the labour
All those prepared to engage in struggle must of course be But in practice this requires politically forces and giving them a correct united front orientation.
It is only by a combination politically clarifying and organizing themselves, seeking united action, and in particular taking united front initiatives into Kinnock's base, that the class struggle forces can break out of their extreme minority position and pursue the interests of the class struggle. is the scab union based inteNtia The Union of Democratic Miners shire coalfields that was set up during the course of the 1985-1986 miners' strike. See the interview with Peter Heathfield in IV No. 100, June 2, 1986.
3. The Communist Party of Great Britain is split into two wings. These are commonly referred to in relation to journals they control: the Eurocommumist produce the theoretical monthly, "Махін Today, and the fundamentaliste the doi newspaper, the 'Morning Star. See warfare in the CPGB" by Mick Arche 'IV" No. 69, February 11, 1985.