Trade union round table bad will, and even outright hostility from state-appointed administrators. They often take a dim view of workers interfering in management, pointing to the cultural backwardness of the working class in Nicaragua.
Of course, you can point to the problem of backwardness. But then how do you explain the fact that it is the union confederation, the ATC, and the agricultural workers (who have traditionally had few educational opportunities) who have gone the furthest in participating in manage.
What is at stake in this discussion is considerable, because it is far from being a functional or economic matter; above all it is a political question. How are the new productive relations to be organized? What should workers" plant? In the words of FSLN president Daniel Ortega, "capitalist mentality involvement of the workers in management is no luxury for a revolution but
"If under socialism workers' cipation in management is a necessity, since it helps to raise the quality of production, enhance the efficiency of management, promote the eliof bureaucracy, may be a risk for states in transition, it is just as necessary." (4)
Despite the real difficulties of the situation, the workers are not turning away from the Sandinistas toward other organizations, despite the ultraleftist demagogy they generally resort to in an attempt to capitalize on the working-class discontent that does
It should not be forgotten that all the trade-union organizations are 14
Carlos Salgado (CGT-I): According to the figures of the Institute of Research and Statistics (INEC), 54 per cent of property in Nicaragua is private. This defines the character of the state. There is no political party of the working class in our country, and it is a bit venturesome to say that workers and power today. The FSLN has not yet managed to go beyond the stage of a national liberation movement, and its leaders themselves say that today they are taking the first steps to transform the Front into a party.
If we look at political parties internationally, we see that their organizational structures are identical. For example, the leaders are elected from top to bottom. The lower bodies submit to the higher minority bows to the majority.
But in the FSLN there structures. All that we know about is members and a Sandinista National decision-making character but simply a consultative one, where the majority is content to apply the decisions emanating from the National Directorate. There is really no expression, reflection of a political party representing the workers and peasants.
Ronaldo Membreno (CST): First of all, let me briefly review the role of the unions before the triumph of the revolution. Owing to economic, political, social and cultural repression, and the weak development of capitalism in our country, we cannot talk about a developed union movement before July 19, 1979. Only seven per cent of the workers were organized in unions, divided up among seven confederations that ran a gamut from right wing to progressive to revolutionary.
After 1975, the FSLN became a factor stimulating the forms struggle of the working class, and the workers went from essentially economist struggles for limited demands to a political-military struggle whose fundamental objective was the seizure of political power. With the revolution, it was we workers and peasants, represented by the FSLN, who took power.
Obviously, new conditions were then created. From an oppressed and exploited class, we became the ruling class in power. Our tasks are not the
Ministry of Labor, "Lunes-socioeconomico, "'Barricada', May 5, 1986.
In the wake of the measures taken by the National Directorate after the US Congress approved 100 million dollars in aid for the contras (suspension of 'La Prensa, tightening of the state of emergency, expulsion of Vega), the PSN and the PCN signed a document with three of the Nicaraguan bourgeois parties — the Independent Liberal Party (PLI), the Democratic Conservative Party (PCD) and the People's Social Christian Party (PPSC) calling for the rescinding of the measures and attacking the "hegemoniam" of the FSLN in the name of a "real political pluralism, respect for the mixed economy, "ete.
Christian Party (PPSC), a left split from the PSC. Influence negligible. Interna-
International Viewpoint 29 September 1986 same as they were before the revolution. Our first task consists mainly of defending the political power that we have won.
Since 1979, in the National Interprofessional Commission, the CST posed the problem of increasing production and the productivity labor, the essential precondition for raising the standard of living of the workers, but also the problem of combating indiscipline on the job. All these questions were discussed at the First Assembly for Unity of the Trade-Union Movement, in which all those presently gathered around this table came together. It was there also that we rejected strikes as a form of struggle because of their effect on production.
role of the unions in the revolution is not a theoretical but a practical problem. Our before us. What is needed, on the one hand, is to carry them out, and, on the other, to build more energetically real workers' management that will make it possible to monitor production and distribution, to see how goods reach the population. We have of the unions has to be a fundamentally political struggle against the aggression of imperialism, which is defending a definite class
While it is correct to put the on the tasks of military defence, it is not in itself the participation of a large part of the population that guarantees the class content of the defence. confine ourselves to setting practical objectives for the proletariat of this activity has to be oriented in that error in taking such a narrow approach. The decisive, and in that connection I would recall that the indefinite suspension of La Prensa has been a constant demand of the workers. Finally, the government has concurred with this demand by workers movement, and this should be stressed ....
A class characterization has to be made of private property, of production. People avoid posing this question in theoretical terms, but this cannot be avoided. For whom are we producing? The problem of production and productivity has to be looked at from the social surplus product. We cannot fall into the error of demanding work, productivity and production without taking into consideration where the surplus product goes.
Roberto Moreno (CAUS): The trade-union movement 11 and a the working class did not get its ideological and political conceptions and corresponding organization on July 19, 1979. The workers' movement, its program and its lines of action, date back well before that. Even when it emerged in 1915, it wrote some glorious pages of history by its polinot merely economic
Well before the overthrow of
TRADE-UNION CONFEDERATIONS IN NICARAGUA to develop and experiences of the trade-union movement ....
Sandinista Workers Confederation. Linked to the Sandinista National
Coping with the imperialist crisis
Liberation Front (FSLN). Centers of strength: the sugar industry, food, political and raising the involves ideological consciousness of our members and of the entire union movement. This is not a matter of technique nor one of wages. We workers have to understand clearly that we regional body of the WETU.
ATC Association of Rural Workers. Linked to the FSLN.
have to make greater exertions and more sacrifices in order to extricate
CGT-I General Confederation vi Labor - Independent. Linked to the Socialist ourselves from this crisis.
Nicaragua (PSN, one of the two communist parties). Centers of strength: agricultural workers, services, shoemarers, construction, carpenters
Malespin (FO): What
International Affiliations: WFTU and the CPUSTAL.
is the role of the unions in the present period, and how can we characterize
CTN Nicaraguan Workers Confederation Linked to the Social Christian this period? The imperialist aggression
Party (PSC), a small rightist formation. Centers of influence: the services, today has reached a peak with the of 100 million stations. International affiliations: the World Confederation of Labor (WCL), for the contras. This is not only a linked to Christian Democracy; the Latin American Confederation of Workers military problem but also an economle
(CLAT), linked to Christian Democracy on the Latin-American level.
and political one.
What is the role of the various
AUS Confederation for Trade-Union Action and Unity. Linked to th political forces within the country ommunist Party of Nicaragua (PCdeN). Centers of influence: the textu the confrontation with in aggression? We have to fundamentally distinguish two social classes which
CUS Confederation for Trade-Union Unity. Linked to the Social Democratic are antagonistic and inimical to each
Party (PSD, rightist). Centers of influence: taxi drivers, transport, machine and see which one of them other, the Miskitos. International Affiliation: International today is the victim of the aggression.
Confederation of Free Trade-Union Organizations (ICFTUO) the Latin Ameri-
On that basis, what role must the can equivalent of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions with trade-union movement play respect to this war and these divergent class interests?
FO Workers' Front. Linked to the Marxist Leninist Party of Nicaragua
Even if numerically the working
(PMLN, formerly MAP). Centers of influence: construction, agricultural its political role with workers, textiles, teachers, health workers, banks.
class is weak, respect to social problems is precisely what makes it the vanguard class.
CTN-I Confederation of Nicaraguan Workers - Independent, the so-called standpoint, the union
From this
Autonomous CTN (a split-off from the CTN). Linked to the People's Social movement has to offer a workingproblems, class answer to various and we think that the primary role service stations, mills. International affiliation: WETU.
shops, hotel waitors,
(ICFTU).
tinal affiliation WCL, CLAT.
the private radio
15
International Viewpoint 29 September 1986
Somoza, a lot of workers marched in movement led by the CGT-I and the CAUS in 1973-1974, great struggles that awakened the consciousness the proletariat and served to shake the Somoza regime and undermine
It is hardly surprising that there have been different manifestations at different periods, certain ones predominating. 19, 1979, power was taken. It was in the hands of the FSL, which had the support of all the revolutionary organizations, a support that, ideological reasons that we all know about, has flagged or disappeared.
We have to start off from origins of the working class to ask ourselves today what we are going to do or what we are doing. I don't think that this is a practical problem. Seeing it that way would lead us serious mistakes. One of the objectives of the working class is the of power. How could take it overnight? In order to build productive forces.
Today, the productive relations are capitalist. There is a bourgeoisie, private property, a power of capital and wage labor. So, how can we cross the line? First of all, it is necessary to develop the productive forces in order to break with the existing production relations and build others in line with socialism. But that cannot be done overnight.
Jose Espinoza (CUS): I think, for my part, that the title of the debate imposes its own limitations. Without trying to give things too subtle an interpretation, it seems to me that this title demands from participants "Triumphant Nicaragua will not sell-out, will not surrender!" (DR)
NICARAGUA
VICTORIOSA
NISE VENDE
NISE RINDE 16 acceptance of the policy
If I were asked what is the role of the unions in a revolution, their role could be defined concretely. The history of the trade-union movement around the world would in itself provide the answer. You can see it plainly in the four corners of
We should ask ourselves if the trade-union policy conducted by the vanguard of the revolution has been fruitful or not. In my opinion, the answer is "no," and I think we can this. As an initial example, I would cite the failure of the Trade-Union Coordinating Committee. An attempt was made to give impetus to this project the admirable
"One class, one union." It failed specifically because of the sectarianism of the vanguard, but also because of a chronic lack of labor discipline that it has so far been impossible to overcome.
respect to workers' this policy has been no better. There freedom, restrictions on the right to demands, elimination of the right to strike as a legitimate means of struggle for trade unionists, and
What are the real causes of the present situation of virtual destitution that the workers are experiencing? The society laments about the imperialist aggression. We are aware of the enormous cost of a continuing state of war. But that does not justify the fact that the leaders or whoever have failed to inform us the sums collected through the unemployment funds and how this money has been spent.
Likewise, it does not justify conthe figures on debt and the projects in which are the enormous sums the state collects in taxes. Nor does it justify giving priviledged treatment to some sections of workers
CAT [workers centers] cards (1), measures which adequate even to serve the needs of the workers they were supposed to benefit.
Regardless of ideological positions, government's policy or adherence to a party, know what is happening in the stomachs of our children and companions and we know that the state of the stomachs of some gentlemen still privileged as they were before. support to the work of the Contadora group and we have signed with other forces in political life -accords calling for reconciliation all forces in the life of the nation. (2)
In so doing, we have distanced ourselves from sectarianism, from intellectual hegemony.
For the unions to really play a decisive role, to be active forces in the revolution, what the revolution needs to do specifically is these unions. We are convinced that the workers will produce more and better with freedom. The opposite is being demonstrated by the daily declining production of our factories and countryside. In truth, that is the role of the unions in these dramatic
Carlos Gallo (FSLN), Regional Committee III, with some trade-union confederations and some political parties, we think that our present differences concern the transition to socialism. It is the failure to understand this process that makes it more difficult for the revolutionary parties that this country to act in a unified way. Some parties have been misled by the forms the revolutionary taken in Nicaragua. They cannot understand the nature of this state.
If this state were not a revolutionary one, a workers' would not have to face a war of economic structure existing in this country, of the ship, I would call his attention to the that many socialist projects, which have today achieved their final form, began with private ownership proportionally higher than the figure he mentions.
What is decisive here is that it is the state that shapes the economy. That is the essential thing. revolution in transition to socialism, we do not need to have all private property confiscated or nationalized in order to move forward that what we have here is a workers'
What points have we touched? Today, the vital sectors of the economy are in the hands of the workers. The bourgeoisie does not control the foreign currency, the banks, the army, or the laws, regardless of certain legal inadequacies the state may have.
We don't think that the bourgeoisie
1. Some of the CAT cards are saved for production workers who have priority for the scarcer products. This measure was designed to benefit the producers at the expense not only of the informal sector but also administrative employees.
2. The Contadora group (Mexico, Colombia, Panama, Venezuela) has undertaken to find a solution to the situation existing in Central America based on negotiated peace. This effort has been stalled for months and no one expects any practical results in the coming period. The most probable outlook is that this group will gradually fade away.
International Viewpoint 29 September 1986 can reproduce itself in this country, because the main levers of command are in the hands of the revolutionary the working people. As for the analysis of the social surplus product that Malespin made, the fundamental problem is not changing the forms of property. What we want to change are the basic patterns of accumulation of the surplus product.
We have to analyze what transforming the rest of private property could product created by this sector is in the order of 8 to 10 million cordobas, which is a pathetically small amount by comparison with our needs.
We have to take as our starting point the class nature of the revolutionary state, which is expressed in the measures prompted by the revolution and the program that we are putting into practice. It is clear to everyone that what we have here is not a bourgeois state. We should analyze the conditions in which the revolution, the workers' movement, the working class are advancing in the achievement of the socialist program in the face of a major crisis of capitalism, profound in its history.
Now, as regards whether or not the FSLN is a party: It is enough to have a revolutionary program and activists in the mass movement to exercise and develop the functions of a party. A Bureau or a Central does not make a party; they are only instruments.
ragua, capitalist private property arlos salgado (CGI-: In NI predominant in the economic structure; it accounts for the majority of
Domestic Product. can conclude from this that there is exploitation and that one of the tasks of the union organizations thesocioeconomic interests of the workers.
I point this out because a lot of comrades persist in the notion that to concern yourself with the socioeconomic conditions of the working people is an eminently economist attitude. Historically, the trade-union movement has had that function. It still does, because you cannot explain the crisis and call for defending the revolution without also defending the working people's interests. workers are demanding a role in administrative management and not just managing production. Because the idea was put about that the only way for workers to play a role in production and management in the plants was to do more and better work. How are we going to get a positive response from the working masses when they are denied any of production?
For 7 competence, said that property has been seriously taxation the is intervening situation Direct million direct taxes, in 1977.
We condemn and that, over the revolution. duction, intimately linked to the degree of involvement workers in adminstrative management.
Roberto Moreno (CAUS): The CAUS recognizes the Communist Party of Nicaragua as the vanguard. We are not discussing that because I don't think that would make any sense. Yes, revolution is under attack because it is a people's revolution. But the workers also have other concerns, such For example, the cost of producing a yard of cloth in Fabritex is 400 cordobas, but it costs 3,000 cordobas in the Dinatex stores. (3) If the state gets this difference, and participates in speculation, bad; if other sectors get it, that's even worse. Is this a reflection of workers' power? And what about calling workers to assemblies to tell them that it is forbidden to strike? You talk about workers' power, but workers are treated as if they were contras or reactionaries. You are throwing the workers' movement off balance. I think that the government not only does not escape from reproducing capitalism, but actually reinforces it. With the agrarian reform, you give the right to ownership. But this property - small though it may be -breeds capitalism.
It falls to us to play a central role in this stage of transition so that socialism can triumph. One of the conditions of this triumph is that the working class is in power and that there is a dictatorreadjust the in industry, can be guaranteed. redundancy, maintenance and so that the vanguard.
3. The Dinatex chain-store company was abolished by the government in July 1986. This had long been one of the textile workers' demands. This measure was one of a series designed to assure direct sale of factory products the CAT in order to reduce the middlemen to a minimum and lower prices for consumers.
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