AROUND THE WORLD
International Viewpoint 10 November 1986
South Africa New campaign launched IN EARLY October, at a press conference that was hastily organized for security reasons, representatives of the United Democratic Front (UDF), the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and of the National Education Crisis Committee (NECC) announced the launching of a united national campaign against apartheid and the state of emergency.
The official communique from this campaign, extracts of which were published in the South African Weekly Mail of October 3, states "there has never been a more urgent need for united action against the state of emergency that is aimed at destroying our democratic organization, and against the apartheid government and its supporters, who are out to destroy the economic and social structure of our society."
Ten central demands were advanced. They called for lifting the state of siege; freeing Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners; lifting the ban on the affected organizations; setting up people's education and reopening the schools; an end to eviction of tenants; freedom of expression and association; a decent wage for all working people; an adequate social security system; and the right to strike. 26
The accord seems to concern only the demands to be put forward, while the concrete forms of action are left to the judgement of the base units of the various components of this united front of organizations that speak in the name of the different social sectors of the oppressed population.
These various forms of organization of the anti-apartheid mass movement — trade unions, the civic associations grouped in the UDE, mobilization committees on the educational question grouped in the NECC are complementary. Their combining around a concrete action program is another factor in the convergence of the mobilizations of the sectors concerned.
This development reflects a conscious effort to coordinate actions of resistance to the state of emergency and to the government of Pieter Botha, as well as to lay the groundwork for a resumption of the offensive by the mass movement.
The ten central themes in the founding platform of this national action campaign illustrate well the consensus that has operated. It reflects the specific contribution of the three components supporting this united appeal. For example, it contains important working-class demands corresponding to the role played by the working class, and more specifically by COSATU, in this proces of unification.
For several months and on several occasions, this sort of unity in action as well as this role of the trade-union movement in the unity process, appeared in individual struggles. This occurred, for instance, in the Transvaal regional general strike in November 1984 and in the June 16 action commemorating the tenth anniversary of the Soweto uprising.
It is clear that the trade-union movement has made an important contribution to uniting the movement of the Black masses in South Africa. It has done so first of all through the unification process that gave rise to the formation of COSATU in December 1985 and also on the occasion of broad unity initiatives around democratic and political questions.
With this national campaign, the convergence among the forces fighting apartheid is taking a broader scope. The participation of the trade-union movement should make it possible for the democratic rank-and-file traditions of a large part of this movement to be reflected in the development of the local base of this national campaign. There is, therefore, a new possibility for the mass movement getting a second wind and developing a greater capacity to resist the state of emergency. USA Anti-Reagan picket ALL PUBLIC opinion polls indicate that while the US population rejects Reagan's political program a majority
In an attempt to have his popularity rub off on other Republican Party candidates, President Reagan has been actively campaigning this fall to help fellow Republicans in the critical pre-election period. For instance, Reagan's public appearance at a reception and luncheon to endorse Bill Lucas, a Black Republican running for governor of Michigan, enabled the candidate to raise 500,000 dollars in funds that day alone.
However, peace organizations, progressive church groups, solidarity, anti-apartheid, political and anti-nuclear organizations called for a noontime picket line around five demands:
* Stop US intervention in Central America.
* Cut US ties with South Africa's apartheid regime.
* End racism in America.
* End the nuclear arms race.
International Viewpoint 10 November 1986
* Fund jobs, not war. Redirect resources from the military to meet human needs, create jobs, defend civil rights.
The ad hoe coalition of over sixty organizations was strong enough to attract official union sponsorship, including the Metropolitan Detroit AFL-CIO Council, Wayne County United Auto Workers (UAW) and the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees. Endorsing the coalition's demands, the unions helped to build the demonstration.
Despite the fact that it was a midweek, noontime event, line over 2,000. People were encouraged "friends, co-workers and signs," and they did. Students from the University of Michigan came with a group sign, which, when assenbled, opposed the contra aid bill.
Just a few days before Reagan's stop "war on drugs." The militant picket line was delighted with a street skit that campaign. As one of the "Citizens for Clean Urine" use] pointed out, "With his war on drugs, Reagan's hoping everyone will overlook the real problems, like South Africa and Central America." Or even civil rights, given the nature of the drug tests.
Since Detroit is a majority Black city with a 24 per cent unemployment rate, the Reagan-Lucas rally organizers filled the auditorium by inviting high school students from the outlying, white suburbs. Most came "to see the president," while a small grouping of conscious right-
-Broly 485 wingers attempted to provoke the demonstrators.
The media, of course, overlooked the breadth of the demonstration's endorsers and the specific demands and chants, foeusing instead on the fact that Lucas had once been a conservative Democrat. Some Blacks have indicated that they are throwing their support to Lucas and voting Republican this time. Black Democrats, on the other hand, are in a frenzy at the challenge Lucas poses to their Black base. If he takes away votes from them, then they will have less clout within the Democratic Party.
But in the center of the controversy over Reagan's visit, a broad coalition was formed to oppose in action Reagan's foreign and domestic policies. The reason people felt strongly enough to come out was based on their opposition to what Reagan stands for. As one secretary said to me the day before the picket, when I was leafletting at one of the office buildings during the lunch hour, "I'm coming - and I've already got my sign ready." Portugal PSR meets with CP The following report is from the Revolutionary Socialist Party, Portuguese section of the Fourth International.
ON OCTOBER 2, 1986. on the oroposal of the Portuguese Communis Party (PCP), a delegation from the
PCP met with representatives of the PSR. It was the second meeting of this type that has taken place between the two parties. The first was on March 19. On both occasions, the PCP was represented by its top leaders, Alvaro Cunhal, Octavio Pato and Carlos Costa.
The PCP said that it intended to promote meetings with the parliamentary opposition parties, more precisely with the Socialist Party and the Party for Democratic Renewal (PRP) of ex-president Eanes. Obviously, the discussions with the PSR do not fit into that category. Three aspects drew the attention of the media, which accorded a considerable importance to these meetings.
First of all, they are an unprecedented event. The PCP has, in fact, never established relations of this sort with far-left organizations, and it seems today quite interested in pursuing these contacts. For example, a member of the Central Committee of the PCP was present at the closing session of the PSR congress.
Secondly, the PCP is the Communist Party in Western Europe most loyal to Moscow, while at the same time playing a major role in Portuguese political life.
Finally, it is interesting to note the importance the PCP itself has given to these meetings. On every occasion, they have been announced the front page of Avante, the party's official newspaper.
At the end of each of these meetings, both delegations have held a press conference. Asked whether the PCP intended to propose an electoral accord to a small party such as the PSR, Alvaro Cunhal replied "there are no small or big parties but there are parties that have the strength of their convictions." In fact, the electoral question has not yet been discussed. At the moment, no elections are scheduled, although there will probably be one next year.
Given the political weight of the PCP and the importance of united actions in trade-union struggles and against government measures, these meetings open up interesting prospects for the activity of revolutionaries.
ISRAEL to those the United States dropped on Japan in 1945.
This estimate is based on the maximum amount of plutonium that can be extracted using primitive methods.