Sinn Fein votes to end tionary movement.
The abandonment of abstention comes at a challenging time for the Republican movement. The abstention policy Anglo-Irish Accord has both created illusions of negotiated progress among the oppressed Catholics and enraged the pro-imperialist Protestants.
Pressure on the nationalist population has increased. At the same time, last elections in the North, in the
Republicans suffered setbacks.
The
IN A HISTORIC decision, the main revolutionary current in Irish electoral polls in the South also show politics, Sinn Fein, the organization politically associated with the that illusions in the agreement pose
Trish Republican Army (IRA), decided at its Ard Fheis (conference) of dangers for the anti-imperialist movement. Unless the masses in the South
November 2-3 to end a policy of abstention from the neo-colonial can be shown the link between the
Irish parliament (the Dail), and in future elections in the 26 counties fight against imperialism and their of Ireland to stand prepared to take their seats in the Dail.
growing social problems, the effects of the economic crisis could increase weariness with the Northern conflict.
Sinn Fein's decision shows that it has understood that the South is decisive, that it cannot win in the
North alone. It remains to be seen if they will be able to make the necessary political and organizational breakthrough in the South. The upcoming general elections will be an important test.
In view of the importance of this development, International Viewpoint will be devoting a good deal of attention to the Republican debate and political moves. In our next issue, we plan to publish major excerpts from
Gerry Adams' speech to the Sinn
Fein along with other congress, material. The following article represents an initial analysis of the Sinn
Fein congress by John McAnulty, a leader of the Irish section of the
Fourth International, People's Democracy.
JOHN MeANULTY
Sinn Fein's president, Gerry Adams, argued for the chance as "the only feasible way to break out of our isolation, to make political gains, to win support for policies, develop our organization and our
Since this position had to be put as an amendment to the constitution, which had barred participation in the Dail, it needed a two-thirds majority to be passed. It cleared that hurdle by only 10 votes, getting the support of 429 of the 628 delegates.
Opposition to the change was led by former president Ruairi O Bradaigh. A minority of delegates (about 30) left the Ard Fheis with him after the vote and split to form a new organization, Republican Sinn Fein.
The minority suffered from a notable inability to offer concrete alternatives to the proposed change. This was illustrated by one delegate who said, "If resolution 162 is passed, I will blame myself and my comrades for not presenting an alternative strategy."
This strategic weakness was underlined in the major minority speech by O Bradaigh, which dealt with legalistic interpretations of the constitution, appeals to the primacy of armed struggle, the irreformably pro-imperialist and pro-partitionist nature of the Dail and its corrupting influence on the revolutionary principles of Republicans.
O Bradaigh did throw out one strategic idea - calling for an all-Ireland constituent assembly in which Sinn Fein would collaborate
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International Viewpoint 24 November 1986
In fact, the latest decision in an assertion of the primacy of poli- essence resolves this question by tics, but this is not a conclusion that explained to the delegates, nor was was it apparently understood by a majority of them. Relationship between Sinn Fein and the IRA
The leadership responded to the that they were abandoning the armed struggle by trying to outdo the abstentionists in the vehemence of their support for the IRA. There are two dangers in this. The immediate danger is that the IRA may try to reassure dissidents by stepping up armed actions at a time when the British forces are ready and waiting. Avoiding that trap while still trying to maintain a high military profile
The sharp end of British imperialism's intervention in the North (DR) with other anti-imperialist groups, but this was left isolated and undeveloped in a case that was overwhelmingly traditionalist, •legalistic and moralistic. As a delegate from Roscommon [0 Bradaigh's county] put it, "If you lie down with dogs, you get up with fleas."
Abstentionism has been a principle of Republican politics since the second Dail of 1921-22 - the last body to claim de facto jurisdiction over the entire island. Its removal is a result of the political evolution of Sinn Fein since the hunger strikes. Broadening the programme of Sinn Fein new leadership under attempted to build the developed political party and broaden its programme to include social and economic aspects of imperialist domination. Since the hunger strike it has taken 40 per cent of the nationalist vote in the Six Counties and elected over 60 local councillors, as well as establishing Gerry Adams as MP for West Belfast.
In the same period, support in the South has actually declined since the hunger strikes, and stands at about 2-3 per cent of the vote. Sinn Fein militants see a pressing need to end their isolation and to begin to organize the majority of the working class.
For example, Jim McAllister, Sinn Fein councillor in South Armagh Ta where IRA activity has been particularly strong], said: "I'm fed up with
La plaque on wall. I want to live in the Republic." 6
The majority posed the necessity of a policy change concretely, outlining the opportunities that a new policy offered. This, however, did not amount to the presentation general strategy. Strategic discussion during the debate suffered from a great deal of political vagueness and number of more than dubious propositions that threaten to cause problems for the future.
such problem is the conception of the role of the military this has been seen as the central element of Republic-
Only the most ebullient of Republicans believe that military victory is possible, but a can force Britain to the negotiating
In fact, the pressure of imperialist oppression, the collaboration of bourgeois forces in Ireland and the decline of the mass struggle have eroded the that in the 1970s was able to kill hundreds of British soldiers today is aimed mainly at native forces in the and Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR), contractors engaged in work on building projects for the police and military.
It was the failure of IRA actions to
British plans to criminalize Republican prisoners that forced the turn to mass struggle led by the H-Block movement and to the Sinn Fein of today.
Sinn Fein moved from being a support organization for the IRA to being a political movement in its own right. The new relation with the IRA was symbolized by the phrase "with an armalite [automatic riflel in one hand and a ballot in the other."
could lead in the direction of "soft"
such as civilian contractors, and weaken popular support.
The longer term danger is that this stance leaves the acceptance of the primacy of politics without a full conclusion. The debate at the Ard Fheis demonstrated a thoroughgoing democracy within Sinn Fein, but the necessary to call an army convention, the first in 17 years of struggle, so that the military organization could endorse the new turn in advance of the Sinn Fein decision, and it was to that military authority that delegates appealed to convince the Ard Fheis of the legitimacy of the turn.
Sinn Fein's vice president, Martin McGuiness, summed up this position when he said that to reject the policy on abstention was to reject the Army Council statement of support and thus to reject the armed struggle. Sinn Fein still have to come to terms with the fact that the political militants in the organization cannot develop policy and strategy while looking over their shoulder at a superior military authority. dangers of opportunism and reform, pointing to the split with the "Official" Republicans at the beginning of the 1970s and the degeneration of the latter into corrupt reformists, standing far to the right on the national question.
To underline their point, minority booked the same room in the same hotel that saw the birth of the Provisionals to announce the present split. The weakness in their argument is that they state the dandegeneration as An assertion of inevitable corruption means that no political project that Republicans
International Viewpoint 24 November 1986 should be engaged in a search for inner purity, rather than vietory over imperialism.
Martin McGuiness' reply also suffered from a certain weakness. He declared that Republicans will be entering Leinster House [the Irish parliament building] "while maintaining unapologetic support for the right of the people to oppose with arms the forces of British occupation."
Presenting the armed struggle as a guarantee against reformism is mistake. History, including recent Irish history, records plenty of examples of reformists willing to support armed struggle. It obscures the problem of real safeguards, such as the development of a revolutionary program, involvement in the mass strug gles of the working class, party control over representatives and the right of recall.
It is also important to understand the concepts of class war. The conception expressed in Martin McGuiness' statement "we are not at war with the 26 county state"obscures the question of war between the working class and imperialism and the central role Republicans have to play in that.
Involvement in the mass strug gles and mass organizations of the working class is a key factor. Discussion about policy would beginning to lose the flavour of internal debate and link up to the real strategic battles of the working people and the existing body of experience of trade union militants, youth and
Just how difficult a task this will be was indicated by the debates around key areas of struggle. There was wide support for liberation struggles around the world, a decision to strengthen links with trade union and Black groups in Britain, protests at proposed anti-union laws and solidarity with striking workers.
However, there was not any overall indication of a deep involvement in these struggles. Reports were largely organizational with appeals to members to become involved in trade union work. There was no discussion of recent IRA threats to workers collaborating by providing services to
RUC stations in the North nor any that a political battle against collaboration should be waged in the trade union movement.
Discussion on the Anglo-Irish deal was restricted to the need for educational meetings in the South.
But it was around the women's rights that Sinn Fein took backwards. A resolution supporting a woman's right to choose on abortion was pushed through
Ard Fheis by Republican feminists. This year a resolution by the Ard Comhairle (National Committee) led to the resolution being deleted.
The strategy of the leadership was one of "damage limitation," attempt. ing to preserve a limited support for the right to choose in the face of a right-wing backlash. But such a course possible if one is confused about the leading role the question of women's rights must play in the Irish Power of the Catholic church
The danger of confusion leading to opportunist error was indicated by the statement by a radical and Irish language activist, Martin O Milleoir, who said: "The party has already reaped the political sequences of ignoring the moral view of the people." But the "moral view of the people" reflects the power of the Catholic church and its influence over the state - an influence that is enshrined in the Irish constitution
La barrier that the Irish revolution must face and overcome.
All the limitations of the debate and the step back on women's rights, however, cannot obscure the historic progress made at this Ard Fheis. The ending of the abstentionist ban opens up many opportunities, establishes the primacy of political action and makes an all-Ireland strategy and policy real possibility.
What made the deepest impression on me was the sight of hundreds of young militants sitting immobile in a packed hall and listening intently to
CET
THE
BRITS
OUT!
word in four hours of solid debate. This, and the preconference discussion were apparently their first of such a public confrontation of political ideas.
The immediate task for revolutionary socialists is to convince both workers' movement that the debate flowing from the Ard Fheis involves government is expected to collapse in the new year. At the moment, the view that Gerry Adams has expressed is that "the election after the next first serious test of our ability to win major support." crucial. Sinn Fein will be standing in an election marking a major political crisis, with all the capitalist parties commited to further offensives against the Irish working class, and the Labour Party on the point of collapse because its coalition with the right-wing Fine Gael party.
No one will blame Sinn Fein if they do not achieve power, but they will suffer if they do not contest for do not look for the electoral alliances that will unify and organise the central forces for revolution in Irish society.
History is a harsh judge. This Ard Fheis has taken a giant step. A thoroughgoing debate has convinced the majority of a broadly revolutionary materialist analysis, and the leadership showed real skill in launching a unity drive that isolated the wing led by Ruairi O Bradaigh and Dave O°
Connell. Now the benchmark must be not the organizational needs of Sinn political needs of the
Lessons from the
International Viewpoint 24 November 1986
USA are likewise anxious to dispel the notion that their "concession bargaining" is nothing more than the signing of sweetheart contracts. The AFL-CIO News. (September 6) reported the Hormel contract in a
"UFCW
Hormel strike story that was headlined: recovers lost wages at Hormel and Oscar Mayer." The story reports that the UFCW succeeded in "returning the base labor rate to 10.70 dollars an hour by September 1988."
THE STRIKE at the Hormel meatpacking plant in Austin, Minnesota, has become a symbol of opposition to the policy of surrender of the
US union bureaucracies to the capitalist offensive. The Hormel workers went on strike in September 1985 and fought for almost a year, until their union local [branch] was taken away from them by the
United Food and Commercial Workers' Union.