Students in the frontline
International Viewpoint 9 February 1987
The editorial of the People's Daily, December 23, 1986, attempts to pacify the students that 'in the course of reform, indeed, many new problems need to be studied and resolved", and they should be done "through normal democratic channels". The editorial grants that the of the struggle will of the students is good, but then goes on to say that they "may be made use of by individual elements with ill intent to cause turmoil". The CCP's attempt is to slow differentiation in the student movement and label the activists by the above charges.
The students are aware of revenge by the CCP. After the September student movement of 1985, some students have been expelled and two students from the Beijing University have been arrested on the charge of "counter-revolutionary activities" for writing an article. There has not been any report of their release. This time, some officials have stated that students participating in the demonstrations will be affected in their job allocation after graduation. However, the students answer with mobilizations with clearer political objectives.
Even if the present struggle is temporarily repressed, it will rise with more momentum, since the social contradictions are aggravating.
The authorities fear most the involvement of the working class in the struggle. Due to the gravity of the economic situation and the serious price intlation, worker discontent is serious, and worker involvement in the struggle is possible. In fact, in the 150,000 mass demonstration in Shanghai, there were workers. Hence, the authorities tried desperately to separate the students from the rest of the population, and only those with student cards were allowed into the ranks to protest. At the same time, the authorities promptly announced that prices will stabilize in 1987.
On the other hand, in Shanghai, Beijing and Guangzhou, workers have been arrested, some on the charge of joining the student demonstration and overthrowing cars to cause turmoil, some on the charge of distributing leaflets and inciting students to take to the street. Since the participation of workers at present lacks organization, individual workers have been persecuted to blackmail workers from joining in the struggle.
Solidarity of the students, workers and citizens is the fear of the authori. ties, but it must also be the goal of the masses. Only with broad solidarity action can the bureaucracy be isolated and the anti-bureaucratic, democratic struggle succeed.
October Review, December 1986
WEI WEN
From 1919 to 1949, the student movement played an active role in the struggle against imperialism and warlords. The May 4 Movement of 1919 was spurred by students. In the May 30 Movement of 1925, the students supported the struggle of the textile workers student strike joined in with the general worker strike. Atter the September 18, 1931, invasion of Japan into China, the student movement grew in momentum and in 1935 the famous December 9 Movement was initiated by students in Beijing, demanding an end to the civil war and a national effort to fight the Japanese invasion. After World War II, under the reactionary rule of the Nationalist Party, the students were again in the vanguard. In May 1947, a general protest movement broke out against hunger, civil war and repression.
After the Communist Party (CCP) came to power, the initiative of the people was discouraged and required to follow the leadership of the Party. In 1956, on the repercussions of deStalinization in the Soviet Union and the Hungarian uprising, the CCP also called for the people to speak their thoughts. Students and intellectuals responded enthusiastically to the Hundred Flowers Bloom Movement, only to be attacked by being labelled "rightists". After this, students and intellectuals kept their silence. The student mobilization during the "Cultural Revolution" was initiated from above to serve the purpose of a factional power struggle, and was far from spontaneous. The milestone of the people's struggle for democracy is the April 5 Tiananmen Square riot in 1976 in which 100,000 workers, citizens and students for the first time spontaneously mobilized against the dictatorial regime.
At the end of 1978, a democratic movement unfolded in major cities. It first took the form of parades, wall posters on the Democracy Wall and rallies to discuss democracy. Soon, it developed into the form of the publication of unofficial journals so that discussion could be more profound and organization could be stronger. Of the more than 100 journals that were produced, about half were political journals. Their editors were mainly young workers, especially former red guards, during the Cultural Revolution. From January to March 1979, arrests were made on dissidents. Between this time and September 1980, the unofficial publications suffered intermittent repression, but they also made an important step forward. In September 1980, the National Association of Unofficial Publications of China was founded and it published an organ, Duty. Democratic movement organizes
The report of the First Congress of Unofficial Publications summarized the development of the democratic movement. It pointed out that in the initial period, the journal groups were atomized and immature, and failed to consciously take up the task of being the vanguard of the democratic movement and linking up with a mass democratic movement. The founding of the National Association to unify over 30 journals aimed to overcome the above organizational weakness.
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CHINA
Politically, when warned of Deng Xiaoping becoming a dictator because the people do not have the weapon of democracy, Wei considered too radical circle of activists. Yet his arrest, and the later detention of Liu Qing, further exposed the countenance of the so-called "reformist faction", and helped some activists to discard illusions report of the first congress said that only by a broad democratic moveup their power, and the confidence enthusiasm of the masses "In fact, in some aspects, the conscious struggle of the masses the bureaucrats has into the category of the democratic movement.
should grasp mood and thoughts of the masses their understanding of the democratic movement." of the Polish workers in setting up Chinese activists not only promoted a united journal organization also began to form the "Association to promote democracy and unification in China". This is an attempt by the core of the democratic movement to seek stricter organizational functioning to realize their program, which is for the practice of socialist democracy in repression of April 1981, the group of the democratic
100 people, a significant national organizational link, a unified organ, a program for socialist democ the consciousness of going into the worker and peasant masses to lead the masses into the democratic movement and even the preparatory work of organizing a political party.
Its rapid maturity was due on the 16 one hand to the inability of the Deng faction to solve China's social contradictions, the radicalization of the activists on seeing the repression of dissidents by the ruling faction, and the repercussions of the Polish trade union movement. On the other hand these activists have accumulated political and organizational experience during the Cultural Revolution and applied it during the short interval of "liberalization" after Deng came to power. However, masses saw in Deng's policy rectification some of Mao Zedong's unpopular policies, and most people adopted a wait and see attitude.
consequences and new social contradictions arising out of Deng's policies were only starting to be seen. Hence, the repression of the democratic countenance among more active layers. "The people should be master!"
The activists of the Beijing Spring democratic movement were mainly workers, but the student showed signs revival during this period.
The unofficial students were mainly literary journals in which the students their discontent with social bureaucratic abuse of power, serious inequality between the rich and the poor), and expressed their pursuit of
The most representative journal was Our Generation, jointly published by students of the Chinese department of 13 universities in China. It was banned after the first issue, but indicates the students' ability to link up with each other.
At the end of 1980, the students took the lead in participating in the election of county-level people's deputies to the people's congress.
Firstly, students from the Beijing University ran as candidates and expressed their political ideas during election campaigns. Heated debates took place, wall posters were put up, materials and journals were mimeographed and distributed, campaign groups were organized and campaign mass meetings were held. Campus atmosphere was electric. For example, a candidate's declaration "On the freedom of speech" caused a wide reaction, and the Beijing University students drafted a proposition concerning publication and collected signatures to press the government to safeguard the right of publication by citizens.
The struggle of the Hunan Teacher Training College students was more militant. On 9 October, 1980, two thousand students spontaneously marched the provincial government building in Changsha to denounce the school's illegal "nomination" of candidates. The students shouted slogans: "Down with bureaucratism" "People's deputies should be elected by the people! The people should be master!" Starting on October 14, 87 students went on hunger strike and several thousand students of other institutes of higher studies joined in solidarity. On the 16th, the students went on a general strike, and workers also joined in a general strike. On the 24th, the students sent a delegation to Beijing to petition the central authorities, and on their way they linked up with students from other cities and a plan to set up a national independent student federation was discussed. The student struggle won a victory, and students were allowed to nominate their own candidates.
In October 1980, strikes also took place in Kaifeng University, Chungking Teacher Training College, Southwest Communications University and Sichuan Financial College, in protest of the rape of a girl student, the occupation of the campus buildings by the Provincial Party Committee or the inadequacy of school facilities respectively.
With the repression of the Beijing Spring democratic movement in April 1981, the student movement also came under repression. However, with the intensification of social contradictions under Deng's policies, the student movement began to revive from May 1984 to January 1985. Struggles on issues of student welfare and school administration took place in Nanjing University, Xiamen University, Beijing University, Beijing Teacher Training College and Beijing Law University. The demands of the International Viewpoint 9 February 1987
International Viewpoint 9 February 1987 students were closely related to antibureaucratism.
On the September 18 anniversary in 1985, a wave of student demonstra-
LETTER TO COMPATRIOTS tions spread across China.
, In the
Tiananmen Square, the slogan of the
Have you long felt that our right to democracy and freedom is so very
"Strong student demonstration was restricted and artificial? The feudal system in which democracy and freedom opposition to Japan's second econdid not exist, and the Cultural Revolution in which democracy and freedom omic invasion" Hongzhang!" (Li
"Down with the conwere trampled on, belong to the bygone days. However, the broad people temporary Li was still live under democracy and freedom in a Qing Dynasty official accused of many people's deputies are produced by means of the broad masses exercising they really represent the wish of the people at treason to serve the interest of the critical moments? No! The answer we inevitably obtain is "NO!" In the eyes imperialists).
of most people, those deputies are merely lead types waiting for us to put a
We must also ask: are we free? The same answer. No. In all the major newspapers and radio broadcasts, there is simply nothing at all about the student
For a multiparty system movement in Shanghai and in other places. This alone serves to prove that the press is not free. The blockade of news hoodwinks the broad masses, so that the people cannot see the righteous demands of patriotic youths and the support of the people in all the places. This is a tragedy.
The existing economic policy and
We believe that the people will not forever remain
Xian, Beijing, Kunming, Wuhan and Shenzhen, a dynamic student movement cadres were the broke out in Shanghai on December 19. It end is to fight against bureaucratic central issues of student protests. In repression and for democracy, and its means are legal parade and sit-in. Large
Wuhan, Chendgdu, Xian and Tianjin, took to the street, and with their patriotism and the university students carried out demonmaterial and spiritual support of the citizens and masses they persisted until strations or riots. Students from the the early morning of December 20. Then, at this moment, large numbers of
Beijing University and Qinghua Unimilitary police, in violation of the pledge of the municipal government, began versity formed a "command centre for to disperse the students by violence. Many students were badly beaten (including girls), and often, 3 or 4 policemen attacked one student. Dozens of all-China students to commemorate patriotic students have been arrested. The people, on seeing the brutality, are the 50th anniversary of the December enraged. Faced with violence and autocratic power, we will not give up. All
9 Movement'. The command centre universities go on strike and parade, and a struggle of greater scope unfolds.
sent students to link up with uni-
Though we might temporarily come upon defeat, we shall not give up.
versities in Xian, Wuhan, Changsha, are convinced we are right. History will eventually affirm our student
Chengdu, Shanghai, Shenyang, Harbin, movement. The future and destiny of China should be grasped in the hands
Dalian and others to prepare for a of the people. Full democracy and freedom will become the right of the national demonstration against Japan-
Let more people throw themselves into the dynamic movement for democfreedom! Victory surely belongs to us!! Viva the December 19
Citizens, compatriots!
their true rights? And can silent. After Hefei, adverse trends", seek one's own wealth"
(Note: This leaflet was distributed in the street on December 23). an intense suppression by authorities, demonstration did not materialize. In the latter half of December, there was also the protest of minority students from Tibet who demanded an end to nuclear tests in Tibet, democratic elections, an end to birth control and economic and political
The student protests in December 1986 in major cities in China were a direct continuation of the 1985 student protests. From the very beginning, acute political demands against bureaucratic dictatorship and for political democratization were put forward. "Democracy" was the main slogan in all the demonstrations, and the concrete demands included freedom of the press, freedom of the person, genuine election of people's deputies to the people's congress and student participation in college administration.
Most notable is the discussion of and demand for a multi-party system independent student union proposed by wall posters on Beijing, Shanghai and Wahan campuses. These two demands had been made during the period of the Beijing Spring democratic movement, but this time they were more openly and directly proposed as a challenge to the "persistence of the leadership of the CCP" In addition, the students also actively propagandized democratic ideas to workers and citizens, and their slogan, "Against inflation" linked students with the workers.
In the December 20 demonstration of 150,000 people in Shanghai, more than half were not students. This is prevent workers from joining the ranks of the demonstrating students, to separate workers from students heavily penalize workers who played an active role in the protests.
The student demands are a sensitive reflection of social sentiments. The massive demonstrations of students reflect the acute political, economic and social contradictions in China today. Under Deng's rule, social polarization has aggravated, smuggling and privileges are flagrant, and the masses can generally relate the economic the political one-party
Tongji University Student
More people realize that the obstacle caused by the bureaucratic dictatorship must first be removed. The students in China, inspired by the people's overthrow of the dictator in the Philippines, the concession of the Nationalist government in Taiwan to allow a second party to exist, and the victory of the struggle of the French students, have become more courageous. Though in terms of the integrity of the program and the efficiency of organization the present student movement has not yet reached the level achieved by the core of the democratic movement of early 1981, the scope of mobilization is unprecedented.
It can be foreseen that if the student movement can further strengthen its organization (building independent student unions, setting up a national network) and consciously play the role of vanguard to fight for democracy - mobilize the workers and peasants and express their demands - then a mass democratic movement can unfold.
October Review, December 1986 17