A holy war against women's man's marriage was long ended, and no divorce possible, made no difference.
For the full import of this it is necessary to realise that almost all education in Ireland is denominationally controlled, therefore employment for non-Catholics, or nonpractising Catholics, could be made nearly impossible, and dismissals on moral grounds increasingly a possibility.
The power base of the Catholic
AFTER A DECADE of apparent progress for Irish women - which saw the removal of many minor impediments to equality, and some major ones such as the legalization of contraception -. the last four years have witnessed a savage backlash on the part of the Catholic
Church and the forces of conservatism in Ireland.
In 1983, a heated and bitter public debate culminated in an amendment to the Irish constitution prohibiting, at any future date, any attempt to introduce legislation which would permit abortion.
JMORRISSEY
This was not in response to any campaign on the issue. There has been no significant agitation or support for abortion in Ireland, possibly because comparatively easy access to British abortion services has provided an alternative, and prevented the growth of a backstreet abortion industry in
Ireland. Rather it was an example of the Catholic Church flexing its muscles and creating bulwarks against future change on an issue it felt confident it could win.
In 1986 we had something of an action replay on the issue of divorce, with the difference that this time there was public demand for the legalization of divorce, and early opinion polls suggested an easy victory for those wishing to change the constitution to permit this. Despite the hopeful beginnings, the results yet were another resounding defeat for Irish women.
In the final days of 1986 a last blow was struck as the High Court decided that two organizations, the
Dublin WellWoman Centre and Open
Line Counselling - both of whom offered a "non-directive" pregnancy counselling service (presenting all the available options, including that of an abortion in Britain)
- were in contradiction to the spirit of the
1983 amendment. An injunction was granted preventing them from offering any advice or information on
British abortion services.
This High Court case was brought by the Society for the Protection of the Unborn Child (SPUC), key orof the
1983 ganizers amendment
• campaign, and is now being appealed.
confrontations seem likely in
More
1987.
The possible consequences of these legalistic manoevres are numerous, and pose a fundamental threat to women's rights and to the delicate growth of secularism in Ireland. The major areas targeted appear to be women's health and reproductive
During the 1983 (abortion) amendment campaign, several possibilities were raised as to the deeper motives of those in the "pro-life" camp. It was felt that forms of contraception considered abortifacient by the Catholic Church, such as the TUD ow
"morning-after" pill, or the dose pill, would be put at risk. The High Court decision on the pregnancy counselling services strengthens the possibility of further action being taken on these areas, as the SPUC seek new victories in their holy war.
Another worrying aspect of the reactionary backlash was exhibited in 1985, when a Wexford schoolteacher, Eileen Flynn, who had lost her job teaching in a convent because she became pregnant while living with a married man, subsquently lost a High Court case brought to chal lenge her sacking. The fact that the
Church in Ireland is predominantly rural, as has been demonstrated by the two constitutional amendment votes. In both of these the vote was approximately two to one against liberalization (but with high abstention rates), with urban areas giving the highest votes for the more liberal view. Dublin city was divided almost half and half on both occasions.
Increasingly, in late 20th century Ireland, this base is a shrinking one. It seems inevitable that the Church and conservative interests will increasingly collide with the perceived needs and demands of Irish women, as Ireland follows general European trends. Although currently able to play upon the insecurities created by the economic recession and its consequences (particularly severe in Ireland), this will not always be the case, the Church, foresight, understands.
Increasingly, the Church is creating a legal and structural basis for its teachings, depending on its organizational control of hospitals, schools and so on, rather than on its decaying hold on the consciousness of the mass of the Irish people. This is not, of course, to underestimate the power it still holds: the recent constitutional amendment controversies were resounding victories for the forces of conser-
Feminists face a testing time in the immediate future, and are strictly on the defensive in battles such the WellWoman court case. The prospect, held out by some, of gradual reform under pressure from the EEC been shown to have any hopes entertained in "socially" liberal, but economically conservative, layers of the Irish bourgeoisie (as represented, for example, by sections of the Fine Gail party).
It remains for those with a more radical perspective on social to meet the challenge. The progressive alliance which fought the two amendment campaigns provides a basis for future action. It is necessary to build a campaign in defence of secular and women's rights that will offer support for those targeted by Catholic reaction. The stage is set for many more conflicts in the next few years.
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