"Revolution, comrades!"
or even less today. It is a terrible blow for them, and has caused the members of the Party to think about why there is such a terrible collapse in support. It meant that at the last general election in 1986, when the Socialist Party government was те -placed by a right-wing coalition under Jacques Chirac, the CP's vote equalled
THE CRISIS of the French Communist Party has recently erupted into the centre of the political stage with the publication of an alternative manifesto by oppositionists led by Pierre Juquin.
The manifesto, "La revolution, camarades!", is the most public expression of the renovateurs [renewers], who have taken the unprecedented step of organizing national and local coordinations.
Both internal and public discussion meetings around the document are being held all over the country.
Alain Krivine, a leading member of the Ligue Communiste Revolutionnaire (LCR), the French section of the Fourth International, explains the impact of this extraordinary new development and its potential ramifications.
ALAIN KRIVINE
A centrepoint of the situation in
France today is the crisis of the Communist Party (CP), which is a major, daily topic for the press and the rest of the media. The CP has now been in a truly historical crisis for the last two
In the past the CP has had years.
involving only many lesser crises, small groups centred around intellectuals who opposed the leadership.
This was the case, for example, after the Soviet invasion of Hungary in
1956 and the 1968 uprisings in Czechoslovakia. (1)
Today, the main difference is that all the sectors of the CP are affected by this crisis. First, what we can call the electoral apparatus - those CP members in publically elected positions - who have represented the main forces of the Communist Party. In
France until now the CP have had approximately 20,000 people in elected positions in councils and so on.
The majority of them, even if they are not organized in the new opposition, are globally politically in opposition to the present CP leadership.
The second historical force in the CP is the trade-union apparatus, and the
CP's own third component is the apparatus - members of its Central
Committee, leaders of the regional these federations and so on.
Party have been sections of the affected by the crisis.
The main reasons for the upsurge of this crisis can be summed up in four points. First, because of the dis-
International Viewpoint 23 March 1987 appointment of many of the CP's militants with the policy of the Party during the experience of the Union of the Left - the coalition of the CP with the Socialist Party (SP).
The policy of the leadership zigzagged for years. At first they had a policy of fighting for the Union of the Left, and then they split with it before the general election, in 1978. Following this, they unconditionally supported the policies of the Socialist Party government after they won the election, in spite of all their attacks upon the working class. Then, when Laurent Fabius became prime minister after Pierre Mauroy governmental reshuffle, the CP again its position to attack the Socialist Party. (2) Now, in a situation of a big division between the CP and the SP, they are attacking the Socialist
All these zigzags, and the fact that the Communist Party supported the SP government's austerity policy for three years, led to discontent among many of the members, especially the workers in the CP.
The second main contributor to the their disastrously declining election results, which were due to these vacillations. For a long time they have given cadres an electoralist education, and consequently their militants sensitive to the Party's electoral results.
that of the extreme rightwing National Front - an unprecedented result in the history of France.
The third motorforce of disagreement in the Party has been the policy of the CP's leadership in relation to Eastern Europe: the fact that they support Jaruzelski's regime in Poland and refuse to support Solidarosc; the fact that they totally backed the invasion of Afghanistan. These subjects are very sensitive ones, particularly among workers, but also among the population at large.
The final contributory factor to the Party's crisis, which is linked to the other three, is the beginnings of an understanding among CP militants that the general functioning of the Party is bureaucratic, and that there is no internal democracy. They are calling into question the bureaucratic nature of their organization. Crisis erupts in the Communist Party
These four themes have converged in the last few years and have sent shockwaves through the whole organization. This crisis erupted in a public way a year ago when a petition was published, signed by around 3,000 of the CP, calling for an exceptional national congress to draw up a balance sheet of the CP's electoral collapse.
The opposition in the Party made their own assessment, explaining that it was impossible to keep a leadership that had failed so drastically, and that a thorough and open internal discussion was needed. Of course, the call for a congress was immediately condemned by party leaders as factional. Among the signatories to the appeal were well-known members of the CP, people in the apparatus, trade union-
1. See "The spectacular decline of the French Communist Party" by Jean
Lantier, 'International Viewpoint' No. 69, February 11, 1985.
2. See "What does the new government hold in store?" by Philomena O'
Malley, 'IV' No. 58, July 30, 1984.
5
ists and also a lot of Communist mayors [elected officials of towns and
But at this time the appeal around the fight for internal The leadership of the course, refused to accept the appeal and no emergency congress was held. After this initial experience for internal democracy, many of the leading signatories to the appeal began to fight simply around democratic queswas totally insufficient that it was necessary to tackle the political problems, to initiate a new fight in the CP around political analy
It has taken a long time for this discussion, because the one thing that gave the opposition some homogeneity was around the question of democracy. On the political questions there were a lot of differences between them. After a great deal of internal discussion, finally the oppositionists decided to start work on a political document that could present an alternative to the official policies of the CP's leader-
After months of working finally this document appeared as a draft for discussion in February this year. It is in the form of a manifesto, with a very significant name: "La revolution, camarades!" "Revolution, comrades!" It is a very long manifesto, a total alternative to the official policies of the leadership, and has been identified closely with one of the leading authors and organi. zers of the opposition, Pierre Juquin.
It is very interesting for many reasons. Outside any political differences we may have with it, the capacity of the opposition to write such a political document is worth noting. While it is a compromise, it is nevertheless at a very high political level. Also, it is the first time in France that an opposition inside the CP has been able, and has dared, to write an alternative document. The last time it was done was in 1965, during the time of a split in the CP's student organization, but this was only among students. (3) Now the situation is totally different.
The document contains a series of points that are raised as subjects for discussion, where the authors do not take a set position. The other part of it is a series of affirmations, which are very political. The main positive point is that these people identify themselves as communists, they say that they are for socialism and that we need the revolution. Even if it is only words, this is very important because there is a lot of political and ideological disarray in France today among the working class.
They emphasize in the manifesto 6
Opposition leader Pierre Juquin (DR) that they are fighting for revolution, that they support all the main struggles going on today in the country.
want to reaffirm what they call "communist identity", explaining that this is very important for them in a movement where many are putting into question communism and Marxism.
that to reclaim this communist identity, they themselves totally from experiences, and selves clearly outside the framework of both - a section of the manifesto polemicises against the capitulation of social democracy. This is important because there are some people in the CP who have been attracted by the Socialist Party. Manifesto unclear on some central questions
They claim to be internationalist, giving total support to the struggles of the Nicaraguan and South African peoples, and what they all the fights for democracy in the are the main positive points of the document. Finally, they say at the end that it is necessary to build a real revolutionary current in France. document that need to be discussed further because they are not at all clear. The main area that is not clearly explained is around "what is a revolu-
- this is fairly normal for people coming from a Communist Party. They raise the questions of what a rupture with capitalism means in our country today, and what are the links between reforms and revolution. In a sense, there is a certain gradualist feeling in the everthing that is written by a question mark. But it is obvious that on the question of the state, they are not very precise. This is the main area of debate.
Another aspect that is very unclear, as a result of a compromise between the authors, is on the question of Eastern Europe and the so-called socialist countries. They refuse to give open support to Solidarose they explain that they support all struggles for more in these countries, certain sense they put Gorbachev and Solidarose on the same level. outline precisely what the next steps be. This is most probably for conducting an internal debate to try to reform the Party from within, even though a lot of them do not think that this is still a possibility. On the question of the nature of a revolutionary organization they are yet again unclear, and do not really discuss it in the document. While they are totally disgusted by bureaubureaucratic well as the document itself causing a big stir in France, because it is something unprecedented, the opposition also decided to organize. This decision also attracted a lot of attention, and is also a first for any opposition. Publically they explain that they have set up a national coordination of communist renovateurs, with representatives from 30 departments [counties] They now have regular meetings of coordination, establishing regional coordinations and organization within an organization.
opposition's being discussed both inside the CP, in internal meetings, and also outside, because they say they want to discuss with revolutionaries outside the CP. They want everyone to read the document, to discuss it and to amend it. They have even established channel on the Minitel home computer system to centralize all the amendments so that they can redraft the manifesto. (4) The coordinations
In 1965, several hundred members of the Union des Etudiants Communistes expelled for refusing to support Francois Mitterrand's candidacy for president. (At the time. Mitterrand was not a member of the Socialist Party.) Many of the expellees went on to form the Jeunesses Communistes Revolutionnaires.
4. Printed telephone directories are being replaced by Minitel computers, which linked through the phone system to varieus databanks. International Viewpoint 23 March 1987
Comparative results of the SP and CP will organize public debates and meetings in all the main towns of France, as well as internal discussions open only to CP members.
Until now, all the people who identify with the opponents of the leadership - a leadership that is totally discredited today - are not yet organized in the opposition. Some of them say that it is too early for an organized coordination, that it is too dangerous. Others are in sympathy, but hesitate to join it. So, we cannot say that all the potential oppositionists in the CP are members, but as time goes on more and more of them are identifying
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It is difficult to define political tendencies at the moment in the coordination, because
Electoral results of the CP homogeneity.
aspects of this crisis in the CP, which
(in tens of thousands of votes)
revolutionary ideas on and rightist ideas on others - there
The document is a progress in the evolution of political thinking of the oppositionists, and generally speaking the development of this coordination is going in a left direction. They do not consider the Socialist Party's polities or organization as an alternative, which is an important marker because the SP in France today is attractive for a lot of people.
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1958 1962 1967 1968 1973 1978 1981 1986 This is a very big test, because between really no space to fall into.
The second thing that could help this leftward development is the fact that in the manifesto they explain that they are in total support with recent strikewaves of students, railworkers, electricity workers so on. (5) Not only that, but they the self-management and self-organization of the strikers, which happened for the first time in France with the organization of local and national coordinations independently official union structures. This is not a usual position for people coming from the Communist Party.
If it is impossible to analyze the political tendencies inside the opposition, we can talk about different social groupings whose reaction to new developments will depend to some extent on their material situation. There are bureaucrats at various levels of the Party -three or four members of the Central Committee plus other sympathizers who dare not join; a series of regional leaders; trade unionists, including even some leading members of the CGT (the main trade union in France); intellectuals; and a new development of various structures of the CP joining the coordina-
International Viewpoint 23 March 1987 some of which are workers there are some whole towns in France who are totally linked to the coordination, Perpignan for example. And a big town in the north, Lille, where all the local leadership are affiliated to the coordination. Some other examples of the impact of this new coordination are affiliation of workers' cells, such as that of the Peugot factory in the east of France. Seven cells in the shipyards at Brest are affiliated, as are office workers' cells in the same area of Brittany and Communist workers on the railways. The workers' at Michelin in Clermont-Ferrand in the centre of the country, one of the biggest factories in France, are the opposition. various components that make up the Communist Party - elected officials, trade unionists, workers, bureaucrats and intellectuals. For the first time crisis has really touched every.
The coordination has taken some more acting as though they were the leaders of the Party. Of course, they continue to debate ship, but they consider themselves as an alternative leadership. For refused to sign the appeal for an antidemonstration on March 15 against the new nationuntil a few days before
Their turnaround happened because of pressure from the who had declared their coordination, the demonstration two
Two spectacular initiatives now been taken by the coordination.
The first will be that during a local by-election in the steelworking of north-eastern France, Alain Amidecided to present himself as a candidate openly as a member of the opposition with the support cells and the CP members was previously
Secretary of the departmental federation of the CP, and a worker who is well-known and leading role in the fight against redundancies and closures industry in 1979 and 1984.
Amicabile has been publically by the leaders of the CP, who explained that he could not represent the Party - although he is
See 'IV' Nos. 111 and 112, Decem-
1986 and January
26,
1987, for ber 22, workers' the students' and articles on strikes.
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o. Socialist Party (1986 31%) *O - Communist Party - (1986 9.8%) 1981 1986
still a member - and that they would not call for a vote for him. But the relationship of forces has meant that now the official CP has decided not to present their own candidate against him. Next steps for the coordination
The second initiative is being taken in Brittany, where the crisis is very deep in the CP. Around 300 members of the Party, most of them workers and including two-thirds of received their membership cards. They have now split, and organized a more or less separate Communist Party in Brittany, with their own newspaper, dues and so on. They say that they tion nationally, but until that happens they will construct their own organization locally on the basis of the renovateurs manifesto. They are officially members of the national coordination, an important step because it that the national opposition is beginning to organize people who do not want to say, or cannot stay,
It is difficult to predict what the next steps will be for the coordination. One question will be their ability, or not, to structure their forces on a national scale and try to prevent losing potential supporters who individually walk out of the CP.
Another will be the question of would risk blowing it apart, with all the consequences of demobilization and demoralization.
Communiste Revoludebating nationally. We hope that in the commonths the coordination develop a greater political and in a not too distant future take a decision to break with the CP. Many comrades of the opposition der that the Ligue is the most interesting and significant political force in France from the point of view of potential future allies. they are open to discussion with all currents, but they are impressed by the strength of the Ligue in the workers' movement, and with our role in the recent strikes.
Our public position towards the opposition is very clear, and it will of course be one of the elements of our internal debate running up to our national congress in May this of the Ligue's leadership until now has been to take totally change the political landscape in France - it will be a central feature of the decomposition and recomposition of the workers' movement.
We hope that these people to build a revolutionary organization after an eventual split from the CP. There are as yet many unknown factors which will determine our future attitude to them: whether they will split; whether such a split will be on an acceptable basis - that is, on a class struggle, revolutionary and internationalist basis (although obviously it will not, of course, be on a fully-fledged Trotskyist pro gramme); whether they will be able to build a real nationally structured organization, even if it is not a Leninist organization in our understanding the term, but an organization able to fight and allowing a full internal democratic debate.
Finally, there is the question of how large they will be in terms of support. If they end up being just a few hundred people, of course we will discuss with them. But what is needed is the possibility of a qualitative change before the Ligue would consider plunging in any deeper.
If they split with thousands of people, people implanted in the working class elected officials, trade unionists and so on - then it is a different ballgame. Then, and bearing in mind the qualifications mentioned before, the Ligue will be ready to discuss the possibilities of building an organization together. But for the moment these conditions have not been met, and the LCR has to concentrate on strengthening itself and building support in the broad labour movement.
The appearance of the opposition in the CP has created a new hope for thousands of people on the left who have become disenchanted with the CP - not only the thousands of individuals who have left the Party over the past years, but also many others who can now see some possibility for building a really credible revolutionary alternative. There is a real climate of attente, or waiting, in France today.
homogenization, development of the discussion around
CP leader George Marchais (centre) has plenty to worry about (DR) the manifesto. It is some of the layer of elected officials who have until now supported coordination will find even the present draft manifesto too much to swallow, concerned as they are with electoralneed the votes of the Socialist Party to get elected, which means that some of them will find the manifesto too leftwing and may be individually attracted to the SP.
The final unknown factor is what coordination question, they are also divided. Part of them think that it is necessary to stay in the CP with the illusion that it is possible to reform it from within. However, most of the leadership of the coordination now understand that impossible perspective, but they have to take into account the fact that they have a number of supporters who are with them, but are not ready to split.
But to date, there have been no moves to make such an organizational break from the CP. For the opposition, a premature move in this direction
International Viewpoint 23 March 1987