Rabuka on the rampage
FIJI a number of rallies in the main centres.
This sentiment is also being demonstrated by the massive support that the "Back to Early May" movement has received from both communities. The movement is calling for the parliament elected in April to be restored.] Over 100,000 people signed its petition, which was presented to the government on August 12.
THE SECOND COUP by Colonel Sitiveni Rabuka on
September 25 escalated the Fiji military's assault against the labor movement and the Indian-origin majority community.
The first coup on May 14 was given legal cover by the aristocratic institutions established by the British colonialists and by the British Crown Itself. [See /V121, June 1, 1987] Now
Rambuka Is threatening to shove the aristocrats aside in order to set up an unlimited military dictatorship.
The following Interview with Mehendra Chaudhry, general secretary of the Fiji Public Service Association, and a leader of the Fiji Trades Union Congress, is from the September 4 issue of
Socialist Action, the weekly paper of the Socialist Action League, the New Zealand section of the Fourth International. It describes the situation that developed in Fiji in the period leading up to the
September 25 coup, especially for the labor movement. The overthrown coalition government was composed of the Fiji
Labour Party and the major party of the Indian-origin community, the National Federation. Farmers and workers of Indian origin predominate in the vital sugar industry.
HAT ARE the problems facking unions under the re me out in power Dy tr
May 14 coup?
The biggest problem we face is that the right of assembly is restricted.
Secondly, under the draconian emergency regulations that have been in place since May 14, the regime has wide powers over workers in essential services. They are required to work as directed, and this virtually rules out industrial action.
• What about the sugar workers?
The workers in the sugar mills, in particular, have protested against the coup. The mills were opened [in late
June] when the overwhelming majority of farmers were refusing to harvest the cane. The military was put into the factories in the guise of security. Naturally, there were incidents, and this led to a walk-out by the workers.
Those who were active in this were more or less blacklisted - about 170 workers. When an agreement to harvest the cane was finally reached with the approval of the coalition, these workers were not taken back.
They were told they would be once the mills were in full operation. However, so far only about 80 of them
10 have been re-hired, although they an
International Viewpoint • October 12, 1987 ought to have been by now. So, there is some victimization of those workers who sided with the coalition.
This is happening also to those farmers who refused to harvest their cane. A large number of mostly Indian farmers are not being given their harvest quotas, which means they will not receive any payments until much later in the season. It is a punitive measure. • What is the level of support now for the ousted coalition government? I think we have consolidated and increased our support. The Indian community is solidly behind the coalition. This includes many who supported the Alliance government in the past, because the question of survival of an entire community is at stake.
Among ethnic Fijians, the coalition has also gained increased support.
Support for the Taukei [the right-wing, racist movement that helped instigate the coup] has dissipated quite rapidly over recent weeks. For example, a rally which they staged last Saturday [August 8] about 400 people, when they had publicized that they expected 5,000. • How is this support for the coalition being expressed? Over the last four weeks, we have held
• Why did the Labour Party agree to participate in the governor-general's constitutional review committee? Our initial refusal was because of the terms of reference. We negotiated a change in these, and only then did we agree to participate. • What has been the reaction to the proposal by the Great Council of Chiefs to disenfranchise ethnic Fijians? That drew immediate criticism. Now the Great Council of Chiefs says it wants to modify that proposal. It was a stupid suggestion that would have entrenched power in the hands of a few chiefs. • This seems to underscore the reasons for the coup, that a layer of chiefs were determined to maintain their hold on political power. Is that fair comment? Yes, that is quite a fair comment. There were people entrenched in political power and they used it to enrich themselves, their families, and their associates over the past 17 years.
The claim that the mass of ethnic Fijians have not benefited economically is entirely true. I think it is beginning to dawn on them that they have been grossly misled by these leaders. • What is behind the Taukei movement's calls for a republic? They do not really mean a republic. They mean military dictatorship. • If the coalition government was restored to office, wouldn't you continue to face a threat from the army acting to uphold the interests of the Alliance Party and the Great Council of Chiefs.? We are under no illusions about that. We cannot act freely under the constant threat that the army will act again if it is not happy about what is going on.
It is a major problem. Since the coup, the army has grown from 1,300 to 5,000. They have been visiting Indonesia, Malaysia, South Korea, and Honolulu to strengthen the army. • What if democratic rights are not restored in the immediate future? Then it will become an internal struggle. The vast majority of people want democracy. We would need a massive resistance campaign. *