Revolutionary
Christians in
Christianity as such. Filipinos believed that their hunger for reforms was in the spirit of Christianity. Their rebellions and demands for transformation of the society were often expressed in profound Christian terms and symbols. That does not mean, however, that their Christian faith was the only people's war wellspring of their desire for reforms. Politics, faith and the church as an institution closely interacted.
THE ONLY country in Asia where Christianity became deeply rooted, the Philippines, is also the only country in the region (except for South Korea where Catholic clergy and lay people are playing a role comparable to that of their fellow believers in various
Latin American countries.
Marxism in the Philippines originally had an anti-clerical stamp. Overall, the Catholic hierarchy has been conservative. But the church is too involved in society for it not to reflect the big social and political conflicts.
SONIA RUPON
A
RADICAL CURRENT emerged at the end of the 1960s, leading to the formation in 1972 of
Christians for National Liberation (CNL). After the imposition of martial law in 1972, the CNL, together with the
Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), formed the National Democratic Front
(NDF), an underground revolutionary movement engaged in armed resistance.
Lasting collaboration of an unparalleled sort was thus established between Christian activists and a Communist party of Maoist
The hierarchy has also assumed a direct political role in the recent period. After years of tension and "critical collaboration" with the dictatorship, the church emerged as the main national institution in competition with the army and the administration. In view of the grave crisis of the regime, which began to worsen in 1983, the bishops played an active role in the overthrow of President Ferdinand Marcos and the victory of Corazon Aquino.
Christianity was brought to the Philippines in the baggage of the Spanish colonization, and Christians collaborated closely with the colonialists. Friars became an integral part of the state apparatus, and the religious orders amassed wealth through the encomienda system, which the Spanish set up throughout the islands.
Overall, the imposition of Christian ideology on the people was successful. It was resisted only by some animist tribes [those worshipping animals as gods] in the northern mountains and by the Muslim popula-
18 tion in the south, which to this day continues to hold fast to its own political
International Viewpoint • November 23, 1987 and cultural identity. Acceptance of Christianily went hand in hand with accepting
If church policy sometimes involved a certain criticism of the state, that was only to facilitate maintaining the Spanish colonial yoke. "Native" Christians had no place in the personnel of the ecclesiastical institution, and that was to be the source of various struggles in the church itself — struggles to achieve freedom, religious equality and "Philippinization" of the church. One such battle for religious liberty marked an important chapter in the history of the country. It was waged by three Filipino priests — Gomez, Burgos and Zamora — who were garotted in 1872.
The struggle for the "Philippinization" of the church was led notably by a Filipino nationalist priest, Gregorio Aglipay. Since Rome refused to grant his demands, he headed a schism that give rise to the Iglesia Filipina Independiente (Independent Phi-
Struggle for liberation from Spain
The struggle for liberation from Spain, which was expressed in hundreds of peasant rebellions over the three centuries of colonial domination and culminated in the revolution of 1896, therefore had a strong anti-clerical character. The abuses of the monks and of religious intolerance were key sources of discontent.
However, it has to be understood that these struggles, even those that had a special religious content, were never against
Prostestantism introduced by Americans
When the Americans took over the country, they exploited the population's religious outlook. They introduced Protestantism and new religious congregations that adroitly outdid the Spanish orders in carrying out their express function of propaganda for American democracy. The role of the church changed in form, but it remained the captive of colonialism. And when questions such as the American military bases, land tenure and cultural identity came to the forefront in the 1950s, the church never took an active stand on such problems.
The emergence of a revolutionary current within the church in the 1960s was not a mere reflection of liberation theology in the Latin American church. It was based on very old struggles that had a certain national democratic character. In the 1960s, this current developed within the context of a growing radical movement.
The call for nationalism and the search for a Filipino culture and identity opposed to American imperialism set the framework for similar search for relevance and a Filipino theology among religious Filipinos. This quest did not have an anti-Christian character. On the contrary, its aim was a relevant, Filipino Christianity.
During this time, student radicalization expressed itself in mass work. Kabataag Makabayan (KM), an organization of young Filipino Marxists and nationalists, was formed in 1964. It devoted itself to mass work in the countryside in farming communities. Many young priests and seminarians who had to go into these poor communities as part of their religious education, found themselves confronting these activists and their questions. These experiences in the communities stimulated thinking on social questions in theological
While the KM organized its young student activists, the Federation of Free Farmers (FFF) provided the ideological and political structure for a whole layer of middle-class Christian activists. The FFF dealt with the land question, and therefore the problem of the peasants. At the same time, it had as guidelines social principles drawn from the papal encyclicals. In Protestant circles, it was the Student Christian Move1. Patterned after the Latin American model, the encomiendas were not land grants but administrative units for the purpose of exacting taxes from the natives.
PHILIPPINES • LIBERATION THEOLOGY ment (SCM) that initiated debate in the National Council of Churches in the Philippines (NCCP).
This period marked a turning point in the consciousness of many Christians, who had grown tired of the Church's ineffectual moTal pronouncements. They felt an urge to to go out and organize the communities of farmers and workers.
The student movement reached its peak at the beginning of the 1970s, a period of rallies and big mass protests that came to be known as "First Quarter Storm." The religious groups were also obliged then to take clear positions, the bone of contention among them being fundamentally what attitude to take toward radical ideas. Some groups, the "radicals," adopted the National Democratic line (that is, one close to the orientation of the Communist Party). Others, the "moderates," opposed any idea of revolution, and rejected Marxism, advocating a Christian alternative. Since that time, they have been known by the name of social democrats.
Undefined ideological position
However, this social democracy did not then have a well-defined ideological line. It was essentially a reaction against the radicalization of the church by the National Democrats. According to an interview given by Mar Cononigo, today a leader of the social-democratic movement: "We started a reformist movement in the pre-martial law years. In the early 1970s, the need for an ideological line became more apparent, because we were being infiltrated by other forces, the radical left."2
Others made different choices, as did the Christian Student Movement. It accepted the ND line, but remained a Christian organization. It should be stressed, furthermore, that some of the original positions taken by certain groups were by no means final. In later stages, some "moderate" groups, such as Xi Rho, joined the radicals. In 1971, the SCM officially adopted the ND line, and joined the MDP, the national alliance of National Democratic mass organizations.3
On February 17, 1972, the Christians for National Liberation (CNL) came into being. It was made up of "Filipino Christians who had opted for nationaldemocratic revolution as the only viable way of building a just and humane social order in the Philippines. This event was important because it was the first time in the history of the Philippines that church people formed an organization willing to collaborate with the Communists in an armed struggle against the government."4
Together with the Communist Party, the CNL was one of the founding organizations of the National Democratic Front (NDF). Martial law was declared six months after the formation of the CNL. This was the regime's response to the growth of the mass movement and the growing radicalization in the country. It also meant a tightening of political and economic control. Christian activists were not spared from the arrests, torture and assassinations systematically perpetrated by Marcos's henchmen. The regime, however, was careful not to stick its nose too deeply into the church's affairs. So the latter was the only legal institution able to speak out against the regime's policy of curtailing human rights.
In the mid-1970s, owing to a need to concern itself more deeply with worsening social problems, church pastoral work moved on from community development to building Christian Base Communities (CBCs) through applying community organizing (CO) principles. "Priests, sisters and lay pastoral workers who lived among the people were the first to see that martial law in 1972 meant bigger problems — the encroachment of transnational corporations in the countryside, the continuous and systematic violation of human rights by the military and the worsening of the economic crisis...
"Struggling against the limitations imposed by the institutional church, these progressive churchmen went to the people, immersed themselves in organizing the people and offered their services and resources. "S
It was on the basis of these lines of work that the experiences of the Latin-American churches were much appreciated and studied.
Open stand for people's struggle
Building base communities was not only a change in the type of the pastoral programs that the church was used to. Since martial law had not yet touched the church's initiatives, this new pastoral work was a means for organizing communities. "What set the CBC-CO apart from the church's previous pastoral strategies is its clear and open stand for the Filipino people's struggle against all forms of oppression. It is in fact committed to giving back political rights to the people."6
Through these Christian Base Communities, local people could discuss and analyze their struggles in the light of their Christian faith, and work out their lines of action. These base communities used various 2. James B. Goodno, "Social democrats: the history lesson," In These Times, September 16, 1986. 3. Edicio de la Torre, Touching ground, taking root: theological reflections on the Philippine struggle, Philippines: Institut Socio-Pastoral, 1986, p.89 4. Exequeil Augustin, Marxism, capitalism and the church, Manila, Christians for National Liberation, p.53. 5. Moving heaven and earth: an account of Filipinos struggling to change their lives and society, Manila, CCPD-World Council of Churches and the Philippine
Ecumenical Writing Group, p.44 6. Ibid, p.39.
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November 23, 1987 • International Viewpoint
LIBERATION THEOLOGY • PHILIPPINES means — liturgy, Bible seminars, dramatic expression, and so on. The sudden growth of this pastoral program throughout the country, and the impact that it had on the Christian population was so strong that the government began to see the base communities as a threat to its power. It started to witch-hunt church workers, catechists and local lay leaders and to put increasing pressure on the hierarchy in The work done by the base communities in raising consciousness, in developing critical thinking and collective action surely contributed to the strength that the communities were to demonstrate in continuing protests, and finally in their participation in the events that brought down the dictatorship. With respect to the left, this work by sections of religious people often coincided with the mass organizing work done by the underground. It was inevitable that the left would be able to recruit in these communities both for legal work and
"In the beginning, the Christians for National Liberation movement had only a few pastors, priests and sisters for members; the majority were from the professional and the student sector. This was primarily due to the fact that at that time, revolution, and especially Marxism, were anathemas to most of the pastors, priests, sisters and deaconesses. Only a few then accepted these as a means for social reconstruction.""
### Revolutionary mass movement of Christians
At the time of its second national congress in 1981, the CNL was to confine its membership to church people alone. "The CNL assumes the responsibility for developing a revolutionary mass movement of church people and Christians who identify closely with the Christian churches."8 The dictatorship's repression and the pressure brought to bear by the church hierarchy led many church people to identify with the objectives of the CNL, thereby enabling it to build its own organization and program.
The program approved at the congress laid the bases of the CNL as an organized group: "This commitment to the struggle for national democracy is the historic expression of our vocation to help build God's Kingdom. It is the political incarnation of our Christian faith at the present stage of the Philippines' history." 9
It defined two general tasks. The first was the overthrow of the Marcos/United States dictatorship and the establishment of a people's coalition government. This was to be accomplished in collaboration with other national-democratic organizations. The second was the national-democratic transformation of the Christian churches, which was to be its specific responsibility International Viewpoint • November 23, 1987
During this congress, the CNL also set a certain number of intermediate tasks, the most important of which was building a revolutionary movement of church people as part of the overall revolutionary mass movement. This work was to be focused around a certain number of issues - the role of the petty-bourgeois intelligentsia, notably in the circulation of information; the need for making Christians more concerned about the plight of the workers and peasants; and the issue of internal church reforms, which had a direct bearing on the participation of Christians in the revolutior ary mass movement.
Promoting revolutionary ecumenicalism
On the task of united front building, the CNL stressed the need for a shared political leadership. But at the same time, it recognized the leading role that devolved on the Communist Party of the Philippines because of its developed national and mass character. It pointed to the negative role of Christian chauvinism and to the need for promoting revolutionary ecumenicalism.
Along with its logical support for the armed struggle, its program gave an equal importance to international solidarity: "Our pecple's war is waged primarily in the Philippines, on the home front. But our international solidarity work, our struggle in the international front, is an integral part of our peple's war." 10
The CNL placed particular emphasis on the struggle for democratic reforms leading to a national-democratic transformation of the churches. This was separated into two levels. First, the political function of the churches had to be transformed. They had to cease being ideological and organizational servants of counter-revolution and go over to the service of the nationaldernocratic revolution. Secondly, there had to be changes in their internal structures.
The CNL was a spontaneous formation, but when martial law was declared and the CNL itself had to go underground, it was obliged to rely on the CPP's underground apparatus. During this process, close collaboration was established between the two groups. The CNL availed itself of the CP's apparatus to protect its activists, and the CPP gained new cadres from the CNL
However, the 1981 program and the specific role it assigned to the CN in transforming the churches was not well received by some Marxist circles in the CPP. According to Ed de la Torre, a founder of the CNL and twice jailed under the Marcos regime: "This was not part of the traditional concerns of the Marxist circles of the CPP. But the latter faced an insoluble dilemma with regard to the church.
"It was difficult to get along with the church as it was, but it was just as impossible to destroy it. For some Marxists, the project put forward by the CNL was rightist,' for others it was 'ultra-leftist.' But given the dilemma they were in, they did not oppose this attempt to transform the
This historical relationship was the source of some tensions over the CNL's independent character, which are still to be resolved: "The CNL...had...an independent origin, and a lot of their members were 'unassimilable' in the party. Although members of the NDF, they were not sympathizers of the party in the process of being absorbed into it " 12
Another problem that the CNL had to face in its development was an acknowledged theological weakness. Although it could be compared with the Christians for Socialism in Latin America, the CNL's starting points were more political than theological. In view of the attacks it was subjected to on theological grounds by both the Catholic hierarchy and the social democrats, solving this problem was urgent.
Cardinal Sin's support for Aquino
The social democrats were given a favored place in the government by Aquino, and they took advantage of this position of strength to establish themselves. However, it would seem that their very absorption into the governmental structures weakened their capacity for organizing and mobilizing, and that therefore they do not pose a
The hierarchy, the government and the military have waged an unrelenting offensive, especially in the most recent period, to "tie down" politically involved church people. Before the national congregational elections on May 11, Cardinal Sin, archbishop of Manila, published a document entitled "A catechism on the involvement 7. Exequeil Augustin, op. cit. 8. Christians for National Liberation, documents for the Second National Congress, p.14. 9. Ibid, p.11. 10. Ibid, p.21. 11. "Who are the Volunteers for Popular Democracy?" Interview with Ed de la Torre, IV 110, December 8, 1986. 12. Ibid.
PHILIPPINES/NICARAGUA • LIBERATION THEOLOGY of priests in political activity," in which he said that "priests should not campaign for any political party or candidate." 13 It also contained guidelines forbidding priests from joining or supporting organizations or movements advocating class struggle or
Sin is known for his unabashed support to Aquino and his mobilizing of the Church's resources on her behalf. Despite this particular pastoral letter, he could be seen on TV endorsing ten candidates of the government
In another pastoral letter dated April 22, he addressed Catholics in the following terms. "I must teach and guide you in the name of the Lord so that you may engage in politics in a Christian way...The church has the right and duty to be involved in the political dimension of life." 15 He has been much criticized for his positions, even by his fellow bishops, many of whom do not
Revolutionaries, however, are more concerned about the Catholic hierarchy's silence on the anti-Communist vigilante groups that are sowing terror, especially in the southern part of the country. These groups have been responsible for the murders of suspected communists and supporters of the New People's Army.
On this subject, Cardinal Vidal, chair of the Philippines Conference of Bishops, said: "We cannot deny our Filipinos who are afraid the right to defend themselves... We cannot outright condemn them [the vigilantes], although they must not use violence. 99 16
The contradictions in the church complicate an already difficult situation for revolutionaries, in which the Aquino government has declared an all-out war against the communists and in which the military continue to persecute priests and members of religious orders suspected of being communists. For example, on the island of Negros, army intelligence has produced a list of 35 purported to be communists.
The pressure on the revolutionary clerics and church workers is undoubtedly greater than ever. However, it does not seem that they will retreat. In November 1985, just before the uprising, the CNL held "a consolidation activity to unify the CNL's fastexpanding membership nationwide...the delegates zeroed in on reaffirming their commitment to the national-democratic revolution. " 17
As a member organization of the NDF, which called for boycott of the snap election, the CNL was not present in the streets as an organized group when people's power changed the play of forces in the
The repercussions of the debate that has been going on in the left have not spared the CNL. In fact, it is very much in the midst of this process of rethinking. Its future role undoubtedly will be a crucial 13. James Clad, "Politics of the cloth," Far Eastern Economic Review, June 18, 1987. 14. Candy Quimpo, "Can the Philippine Church withdraw from politics?" Mr and Mrs, April 10, 1987, p.8 15. James Clad, op. cit. 17. "An affirmation of faith," Libération, February-