The army and
Duvalier's thugs
HAITI against its adversaries. It faced a strong but unarmed and weakly-structured movement which its so-called coordinators - the Group of 57 organizations — wanted to keep in safe channels. At the beginning of September, Bishop Romélus was to again raise the slogan "Clear the ground" via the massacre election
Thus the wishes of the Provisional Electoral Council (CEP) were fulfilled. At the beginning of September they had launched an emotive appeal for Haitians to take the
ON THE DAY of the general election, November 29, supporters of deposed dictator Jean-Claude Duvalier and the army acted with a brutality and force that stupefied many people. The bloodiest massacre took place in a Port-au-Prince polling station. The commando group, made up of soldiers in civilian clothing, seemed to have deliberately chosen this polling station because of the large numbers of foreign journalists there. The killers wanted to impress public opinion, to declare their determination to the whole world.
ARTHUR MAHON
A
TTACKS OCCURRED all over the country. The inhabitants of the village of Verrettes had to take refuge in the mountains while the army fired on the presbytery with heavy machine guns.
International reactions were not slow in coming. The United States cut off both its economic and military aid. But it seemed to be looking for a modus vivendi with the ruling military council, who had already announced that new elections would be organized under its auspices. However, some
Democratic representatives demanded that an "inter-American peace force" be sent.
Ottawa and Bonn also claimed to be partisans of forming — in the framework of the
United Nations — a "force responsible for assuring the security and freedom in a new election". Already in September Arthur
Schlesinger, an ex-advisor to John F Kennedy, went so far as to propose "an international rescue mission" and "some form of disinterested (sic) international administrative supervision".
Mass movement has matured in last months
In Haiti itself there is no doubt that there will be many new developments in what is already an extremely complex situation. A determining factor will be the development of the combativity of the masses. Events in the week running up to the elections have shown that, at least in the capital, the mass movement has matured a lot since this summer's mobilizations. [See IV 125.] After criminal arson at a popular market in Portau-Prince, many districts decided to take in hand their own defence. In some areas, thousands of people have been involved in self-defence tasks. This represents a considerable amount of experience that can enable the Haitian left to pose the problem of violence in new ways.
Self-defence movement attacked by army
The army immediately banned the formation of these self-defence brigades. It made the district of Carrefour-Feuilles pay a high price for the exemplary role that it played in the self-defence movement. On November 28, 46 people from that district were slaughtered at Fort Dimanche, and other executions were reported to have taken place the next day. The following week, the army began new arrests in the same
The reformist leaders steered clear of any orientation in favour of self-organization and self-defence. For months they have explained that all the problems would be solved by the November 29 elections. Compounding the effects of terrorist actions and past failures, the consequences of this policy may be grave.
"Take out the old crop of manioc and clear the ground!" - that is, get rid of the National Government Council (CNG) root and branch. Monseigneur Romélus, the bishop of Jérémie, raised this call in June 1987. It gave its name to a campaign against the CNG known as "Operation Manioc". But these strikes and demonstrations were not sufficient for getting rid of the CNG. With the benefit of imperialist support, gun in hand, the CNG held its own electoral road: "People of Haiti, let us start out with freedom of conscience and determined hearts, voting cards in hand, towards the peaceful conquest of our only reason for being: to root out dictatorship forever...
Would it be heeded? On September 5 the newspaper Le Matin again noted: "The pop ulation's contempt for the CEP is evident" and regretted the latter's "dangerous isolation". And on September 10, the paper predicted: "Now, only a mobilization democratic organizations has the strength to change the position of the people", who were still hostile to elections being held under the rule of the CNG.
Without analyzing the reasons for the failure of the first "Operation Manioc", the petty-bourgeois organizations rallied one after the other to the new slogan of Bishop Romélus and the standard of the CEP. But after the assassination of one of the candidates for the presidential election they concluded, realistically, that holding elections with the CNG still in place would be impossible.
However, for these organizations, participating or not in the elections was not a simple tactical matter. Their avowed objective was to get the CNG to yield to a deluge of votes. To make this perspective credible, they had to portray the CNG in a new light.
So, on September 17, the National Front for Collaboration — set up by the Group of 57, the Autonomous Confederation of Haitian Workers (CATH) and other organizations — proposed a "security pact" to the CNG. Constitution only a scrap of paper for CNG
The leaders of this Front, who shortly before had been calling the CNG a "fascist junta", now demanded that the CNG demonstrate "its will to install a climate of peace and security in the country". They let it be believed that it could, as they demanded, disarm the Macoutes [Duvalier's gangsters], put an end to repressive actions by military or para-military groups and guarantee candidates' security. So for the sake of "encouraging the people to participate in the elections" all the lessons of this summer's massacres were wiped out. The CNG had shown that as far as it was concerned the constitution was only a scrap of paper. But, no matter: "Today", a Front statement proclaimid, "We hace 29, 19al weapon: the 3 constitution of March 29, 1987". December 21, 1987 • International Viewpoint
HAITI
Before and during the election campaign, kidnappings and murders continued unceasingly. Their aim was to terrorize the population. These actions continued the pattern set by massacres in the shantytowns and at the time of last summer's demonstrations. At the same time, the perpetrators - gangs composed of army personnel and Tontons Macoutes - carried out break-ins. General Namphy's own chauffeur was killed during his nocturnal activities: he was executed by the people of a village where he was getting ready to commit some offences.
Prisoners of the generals
How can these gangs be disarmed and the roots of Duvalierism ripped out? And what should be done about the army? None of the candidates confronted these fundamental problems seriously. And when yet again one of them — Yves Volel - was murdered by plain-clothes police in front of the headquarters of the Criminal Investigation Bureau, the response was extremely timid. If the presidential candidates had acknowledged that it was impossible to achieve democracy with the army as it is, that would mean admitting that if they won they would become prisoners of the generals, and admitting that all their fine promises about agrarian reform or defending human rights
The lawyer Gérard Gourgue, a Front candidate, maintained that a "strong democratic wind" was blowing through the army, from the ordinary soldiers to the highest grades. Réné Théodore, candidate for the United Party of Haitian Communists (PUCH), who said that the country's problems could not be resolved by the simple act of voting, called for barely more than "submitting to parliament an administrative bill relating to the armed forces that would point out their established constitutional role, eliminate the notion of 'the enemy within, highlight the question of honour and establish respect for the dignity of servicemen from the first day of their
Lacking an alternative, Haitians took literally the slogan "Clear the ground through the elections". Many went to vote on November 29. And when the CEP cancelled the ballot three hours after polling started, the masses found themselves disoriented and feelings of frustration ran high. Political leaders and the churches had failed the Haitian people as they had done in March during the referendum on the constitution. Then they had deceived people about its content — it had been sold as a "liberal", and even "popular" document.
It need only be noted that all the candidates for the presidential elections have to be "householders", and that military officers "cannot be dismissed, taken off active 4 except with their consent. Rine Theodore duty, discharged, or given early retirement International Viewpoint • December 21, 1987
CNG leader General Namphy (DR) and Monseigneur Romélus were the first to mislead the Haitian people about the meaning of the referendum. According to the reformist leaders, the adoption of the constitution would allow the page of Duvalierism to be turned once and for all.
Immediately after the referendum, the military took action against peasants who had invaded land belonging to a Canadian congregation, inflicting many casualties. Their officers invoked the article of the new constitution calling for the defence of private property. Then, in June, also citing an article in the constitution on union activity, the CNG banned the CATH.
Without doubt, the Haitian bourgeoisie overestimated its strength, when, at the last minute, Article 291 was introduced. This article excluded from public office for ten years a number of categories of people, notably those "notoriously known for having been, with excessive zeal, artisans and supporters of the dictatorship during the last 29 years."
### Duvalier's henchmen eliminated from election
This Article was a time-bomb that exploded on November 2. That day, the CEP published a list of presidential candidates who had passed the test of Article 291. Out of 35 declared candidates, 12 of Duvalier's henchmen had been eliminated by the CEP. Some former collaborators with the dictatorship, such as ex-ministers and secretaries of state Marc Bazin, Hubert de Ronceray or Lamartinière Honorat, remained in the running. On the other hand, the most sinister Duvalierist figures were thrown out of the electoral race. In response, ex-general Claude Raymond declared: "We have the power behind us, we will win whatever the cost". The same evening, the CEP's office was set alight with flame-throwers. In the days which election offices, party headquar ters and candidate's houses were attacked. The capital was under a de facto curfew from 9pm, and every day there was talk of a coup d'etat.
What has been called the "democratic sector" had by and large underestimated the Duvalierists' strength and their position in the army. The latter play an important role in the administration, among the local officials in the countryside and especially among garrison chiefs.
For example, the tactical battalions of the Dessalines barracks are completely loyal to their chief, Jean-Claude Paul. A real hardnut, he is linked to an international drugs network. His wife was arrested in Miami and the American police also have a warrant out for him. He is very hostile to the US, and has threatened to shoot Marc Bazin, a candidate supported by the US in the presidential election.
Tontons Macoutes active in army
Since February 7, 1986, Paul's battalions, like those at Fort Dimanche, have integrated a number of Tontons Macoutes into their ranks, and these gangsters have played a key role in all the repressive actions that they have conducted since this summer, whether at Port-au-Prince or in the provinces. Along with the Criminal Investigation Bureau, they have provided a large part — if not the majority — of the commandos that have been in action these past months. In July, hours of discussion were necessary before the officers of this sector would sign the document reiterating the army's support for the CNG. However, not only did the CNG let them carry on like this, but they completely covered up the officers' activities. Essentially because it shared the same project — to put a brake on the mass
To achieve this objective it reckoned that an alliance with the army and the Duvalierists was indispensable, the traditional bourgeoisie not possessing the necessary internal resources. The United States has not succeeded in Haiti in building a force able to carry out its political and economic projects. But the Duvalierists are deeply rooted in Haitian society and make up a large part of its administrative and manageral personnel.
Thinking wrongly that the Duvalierists were only a leftover from the past, the "democratic sector" misread the import of the actions staged after the CEP had eliminated the Duvalierist candidates. It saw them as the final death throes of a movement condemned by the march of history.
In the week running up to the elections, following the publication of the list of candidates for the legislative and senatorial elections, the attacks doubled in intensity. But CEP members and the "democratic sector" leaders preferred to close their eyes and ears and instead affirm their conviction that the Tontons Macoutes would retreat in front of the mass of two million Haitians registered on the electoral lists.