Aquino attacks the workers' movement the end of the week, the number of workplaces involved probably exceeded 1,000.
This general strike was organized when a fully-fledged anti-union campaign was continuing in the country. "Dole [the Department of Labor and Employment] has strengthened its ties with the military" since September with a view to forming "a
TRADE-UNION ACTIVITY has been able to develop more freely since the fall of the Marcos dictatorship in February
1986. Nonetheless, the situation has not been easy for a workers' movement that has to fight daily for the right to exist.
According to the KMU (Kilusang Mayo Uno, May 1 Movement), from Aquino's victory to the putsch on August 28, 1987, 46 workers have been killed in labor conflicts, ten have
"disappeared," 274 have been wounded and 263 arrested.
Over the last months of 1987, the regime's policy hardened notably on the social front, as in other domains. Corazon Aquino has never abrogated the anti-union laws left over from the Marcos regime. Today, she is flaunting these "laws"
inherited from the dictatorship to make head-on attacks on the militant and independent unions.
team of police and military personnel specifically trained in dealing with pickets." 2
Ernesto Herra was president of the TUCP under martial law, when the confederation was very officially recognized by the Marcos regime. Today he is a senator. He has called for reinforcing repressive measures against a militant workers' movement — arrest of activists and withdrawal of the registration of unions guilty of "destabilizing efforts." 3 As chair of the Senate Labor Committee, he is charged with investigating workers' organizations suspected of subversive activities, above all the Kilusang Mayo Uno. 1. According to Philnews, 344 workplaces were paralyzed on October 12. The workers' demands were accepted by the management in at least nine cases, including Asia Brewery, Magnolia (Luguna) and Philsteel. Solidaridad II, Vol. 11, No. 4, October-December, 1987, p.9. Bigger figures are given elsewhere. 2. José Galang, "Summer of discontent," Far Eastern Economic Review, October 15, 1987, p.77. 15 3. Solidaridad Il, ibid.
March 21, 1988 • International Viewpoint
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PHILIPPINES
In fact, subversion is the charge that is supposed to justify every form of repression. Corazon Aquino herself, in her October 20 speech, fell back on the threadbare theme of "political conspiracy" - "I will not allow an unruly minority to use the rights of labor to improve the conditions of labor to achieve a communist victory instead. The way to power is the ballot, not the strike." 4
There is no need, however, to look for a communist plot to understand why the Filipino workers were fighting in the autumn of last year. After several years of recession and stagnation, the country's economy grew in 1987 by more than 5%. But the workers' standard of living did not stop
In July 1987, the nominal wage of workers in industry had risen only 1.5% over 1984. The officially recognized drop in real wages was 15.4%. The nominal wage of agricultural workers had risen by 1.15%, and their real wages had dropped by
Millions of children work for derisory wages
The official minimum wage is often not respected by the bosses. Nonetheless, it represents barely more than that necessary to support a family of six just above the poverty line. The overall social situation is deteriorating, as attested to by prostitution and child labor. According to a study of the Bureau of Women and Young Workers (BWYW), the number of children employed in industry and agriculture is growing and has probably reached 5 to 7
The daily wage of adults is supposed today to be around 60 pesos in industry (about $3). According to the data collected by the BWYW, children employed machinists earn 16 pesos (less than a dollar), 13 pesos sewing on buttons, 12 pesos as smockers and 5 pesos (about 25 cents) as folders or stockers. A number of children working in agriculture are not getting any wage of their own, since the employers consider that they are just helping their
Filipino workers often have to confront hard bosses who are bother very little about respecting the workers' human or legal rights, and an administration in active complicity with the capitalists. Even if the government has agreed to a nominal increase of 10 pesos in the minimum wage, it is not ready to send its police against the many bosses who have never paid any attention to the legal wage levels. The attention of 4. Corazon Aquino, "Speech before businessmen at the Manila Hotel," October 20, 1987, Chronology of Events 38, October 1987, p.11. 5. Figures from José Galang, Far Eastern Economic Review, ibid. 5. Business World, December 28, 1987, p.2. Chronology L6 Corazon Aquino, tbid, p. pp.1.6 J Events 40, December 1987, p.6 International Viewpoint • March 21, 1988 the "forces of order" is reserved for the
While she called on the police and the army to break "illegal" strike pickets, Corazon Aquino limited herself to appealing to the noble sentiments of these bosses who workers' legal rights. To the 1,300 businessmen in the Manila Hotel, the president preached a short and sweet sermon on Christian charity:
"Our laboring class is very poor, and their lives are truly hard. It amazes me how they survived. I ask you to search your minds and hearts, and probe your pockets, to share with our brothers and sisters in the labor sector the gains you make....Labor has its right as much as you have yours. But The example of
Camarin
A CONCRETE picture of day-to-day labor struggles is given in the following article. In August 1987, the author was able to spend some time with trade-union activists in a locality on the outskirts of the Manila urban complex. This area also offers good examples of the new forms of organization that are being PAUL PETITJEAN
A FOREST of umbrellas under a
dim street light, a road shining with rain disappearing off into the rice fields. A storm threatens. Night has fallen. The workday is over. An activist speaks over a loudspeaker. This is a union meeting in Camarin, on the out-
It is a locality of about 5,000 inhabitants. Today, Camarin is integrated into the immense urban complex of the Philippine capital. Nonetheless, you would think rather that you were in a small provincial town. Carabaos, the Philippine water buffaloes, are ambling around peacefully, blocking the main road. Several small- and medium-sized enterprises have been established there, both in the town and out in the in the end, what will work is not the mutual enforcement of rights so much as the mutual commitment to growth together in prosperity." As a realist, Saint Cory noted that this was a "vision" of the future.
In the meantime, "our policy has been very clear from the start - growth must take priority." Too bad about the rights of labor.
The Filipino labor movement knows that it has to rely on its own struggle rather than on the moral sense and brotherliness displayed by the bosses! The year 1988 will be a very important one for preserving and consolidating the gains scored in the recent years by the militant Filipino trade-union movement. *
Island Biscuit produces packaged pastry and employs about 500 workers, 95% of them women. The union official speaking is a man. The president of the union is a woman worker. With rare exceptions, such as the Philippine Belt factory which produces transmission belts and where the workers are 80% men, Camarin's industrial working class is female.
The meeting is to discuss the Island Biscuit Collective Bargaining Agreement (CBA). The speaker reports on the negotiations in progress. They are difficult, but the stakes are high. CBAs, where they exist, determine working conditions, pay and representation. They are renewed every three years and are voted on. The union that wins, if there is more than one organization in an enterprise, will be the only one legally recognized for the following three years.
All the regular workers will have dues deducted from their pay packets for that union and will be considered members of it by the labor administration. This procedure is dangerous when "yellow" [bosses'] unions, with the help of the management, win the elections. But it also guarantees an organizational and financial base for union activists who are able to win sufficient support. "All the workers benefit from the provisions of the CBAs won by the union's action," an activist noted. "It is natural for everyone to pay dues"
### "A real capitalist godfather"
The adoption of a CBA, therefore, is very often a critical moment in trade-union struggles, the culminating point in a long campaign of mobilization. This is particularly true here. The factory has been functioning for ten years, and this is the first time a CBA has been negotiated. The union itself has only existed since 1986.
Organizing is not easy. You have to fight the bosses, who do not look favorably on the formation of a union. You have to strike. You have to fight "black propaganda" mounted by the management to demoralize the workers and isolate the activists. Finally, you have to overcome a psycholog-
ical heritage that too often paralyzes the workers where there is not a long tradition of struggle - a "culture of submission" that makes it hard to reject the authority of a superior or someone wearing a uniform.
But still, nine years seems a long time for a union to take form. Up until last year, Island Biscuit was the only factory that did not have a workers' organization. The boss is known as an exploiter. "He is a real capitalist godfather. He builds up his image, gives money to schools and to good works in his local community, but he treats the workers in his factory like slaves." The minimum wage is only 37-46 pesos a day (around $2), counting the cost-of-living allowance that is generally added onto basic pay.! When the order books are full, the management imposes workdays that go on forever. The workers cannot leave until the production plan is met. "People are less afraid than before"
In the view of a trade-unionist at Pioneer Texturizing Corp. (the biggest factory in the locality, with 500-600 workers), Camarin is living through a time of "strong-arm capitalism." Moreover, the road leading to the factory has a bad reputation. A whole section is unlit. Unidentified corpses have been found in the ditch. Union leaders never walk there alone after dark.
The shadow of repression always hangs over the place. The memory of a visit to a shantytown in August 1986 springs to mind. In the shantytown of Sauyo, not far from here, 2,000 families are squatting on 400 hectares. We asked activists in Kadena, a youth organization belonging to the National Democratic current, changed for these people since the fall of Marcos.2 The answer came quickly:
"Nothing, life has not changed." And then, after a pause, "Yes, one thing. People are less afraid. There is still a lot to do to help the population organize here. Before, when we held a meeting in the center of the shantytown, it was illegal and people stayed home. Because of the sound system we had, they listened, but discreetly. The walls of the homes are so thin that you can hear everything. Today, they come out and gather openly at the foot of the mango tree. They take part in the meetings and make their opinions known."
The fear only receded a year ago. It is coming back now. The activists working out in the open are under a constant strain. Camarin is not a particularly "hot" spot. There are much worse. Nonetheless, the threat is there - the strong-arm men.
With hard-fisted bosses trying to wear the workers out, strikes often stretch out endlessly. This was the case in August at the Pioneer Texturing Corporation. The signing of the CBA was an important test of strength. Although better than at Island Biscuit, wages there were still below the legal minimum. After a marathon initial negotiating session of 13 hours non-stop, an agreement was reached on September 16, 1987, as a result of a compromise between the union and the management.
The contract included a raise of 10 pesos, legal recognition and protection of the union, 22 paid holidays and sick leave. Wage increases for seniority were established (they rise from 0.50 pesos for two to four years of service, to 2 pesos for 15 years and more), as well as other measures concerning mainly medical assistance, release time for union officials and working conditions. This is not what the union wanted, but it was a first step in the struggle.
In August also, at E. R. Angeles (ERA), a factory employing 70 workers that produces bricks and tiles, a strike had been going on for five months, accompanied by a lockout. The boss wanted to avoid recognizing the union at any cost. The workers were fighting to get an acceptable CBA. The pay here is 35 pesos a day. They were demanding a raise of 19 pesos to catch up with the official minimum wage, which more than half of the factories in the area royally
Lawman Industries, a textile and clothing plant with 400-500 workers has been closed since 1984. A strike with pickets has gone on for three years. This is an example of the way the bosses get around the law and of the way the administration lets them get away with it. This labor conflict went to the courts. The unions went all the way to the Supreme Court and won their case. An order was given to the Dole (Department of Labor and Employment) to implement the court's decision. The boss just changed the name of his factory, and the whole administrative procedure had to be started again from scratch. Lawman became Libra Garment and then Dolphin Enterprise. Today it is called "Garment." This is a recurring,
PHILIPPINES tragic farce.
The courts do not often rule in favor of the workers. When this happens, nothing is done in practice. "Dole is not the Department of Labor," a trade-unionist at Lawman laughed. "It is the Department of Management." A worker, Nolimo Pala, was shot down on August 27, 1985. It is well known who did it, but the murderers have never been bothered. Neither are the police neutral in class conflicts.
"Illegal" pickets attacked by Aquino
The president of the union at the Galaxie factory in a locality near Novaliches cites another glaring example: "Very often our capitalists are so aggressive that they would rather lose money than accept an independent trade-union organization." For more than two years, strike pickets have blocked entry into the factory. Eight families have set themselves up in wooden and canvas shelters. That is the only way pressure can be put on such bosses, blocking the entry of strike-breakers, stopping the machines, vehicles and stocks from being taken out. These are the "illegal" pickets so violently denounced by Corazon Aquino - the last peaceful recourse for workers with their backs to the wall facing a savage
Corazon Aquino preaches the most radical sort of free-enterprise capitalism — that is, she wants to free the bosses from administrative constraints, reduce the role of the state as much as possible. Refusing to legislate in this area, she left re-evaluation of the 2. Kadena, "Chain," is an acronym of Kabataan para sa and National amationalismo, "Youth For Democracy 17
March 21, 1988 • International Viewpoint
PHILIPPINES minimum wage to the individual enterprises. This prompted a wave of strikes in the country's factories. In Camarin in August, five strikes were kept up simultaneously by the local inter-union network.
This was an enormous burden. The strike funds were exhausted. In front of every picket, the workers collected money constantly, day after day, appealing to the soliPedestrians, truck-drivers, people riding in jeepneys (the main collective transport) all coins clanked into tin cans. But the amounts fell well short of what
On Sunday, the workers spread out through the capital to expand the collections, going to the church gates. But that was still not enough. The takes a lot of energy to keep strike pickets going night and day for weeks, months, or
The pickets become places for socializing. Lawman (sorry, it's now called Jade) and Pioneer are neighboring factories. For the two picket groups, sheltered from the weather by tarpaulins, a kitchen has been set up in a shed. We shared the strikers' dinner — rice, a green vegetable, finely sprinkled with giniling (a chopped meat). Rice and fish form the basic diet.
A local cultural group, Makatao, helped to cheer up the pickets.? It sang, with guitar accompaniment, "Haranang Bayan," a "serenade" for the house-to-house collection of funds; "Lupa," ("This Land Is Ours"); "Nagkakaisang Hanay" ("Unite in Line"), in which I suddenly recognized the melody of an old German workers' movement song that has become internationally known; "Manggagawa" ("Workers") and
Mutual aid among the unions and local solidarity are part of the response of the Camarin activists to the bosses' intransigence. The unions in this locality belong to different confederations. Lawman, Philippine Belt, ERA and V.C.A. (V.C. Angeles, which makes bricks like its sister factory) are organized by the KMU.4 Pioneer and Island Biscuit are organized by the FFW.S El Buen Ascenso y Cia (which makes plastic sheets and bags) and Norco Steel (which assembles Jeepney bodies) are organized by the TUCP.
The coordination established among such a gamut of unions is one of the special features of the experience here. It goes beyond Camarin. On August 28, a Strike Forum was organized in Novaliches that brought 18 two localities, most of them women. Rep- together nearly 500 workers from these International Viewpoint • March 21, 1988 resentatives of striking factories described the state of their action. The cultural group Makatao was also there, as well as a group of young people who did a satire based on TV weather reporting. There were clergy, and Paterson Menzon for the LMLC union confederation.? Even some foreigners, as well as Francisco Nemenzo for the socialist organization Bisig, came to the platform to offer support to the strikers. This forum gave the workers in the region an opportunity to assert real workers' solidarity collectively at a time struggles were continuing in Camarin, as well as in Novaliches. That, perhaps, was its most A network of milmao, is playing a particularly dynamic role in Camarin standing for social democrat. Contrary to what this name might suggest to Westerners, it is a current of Christian origin. Kamao has radicalized more and more, in concert with Krus - the Kristian Union Toward Socialism ing with the Social Democrat movement, the Krus cadres took part in founding Bisig
Kamao works in five zones of Metro Manila — Camarin, Novaliches, Mandaluyong, Marikina and Cainta-Taytay. Bisig activists collaborate with independents and activists of Pandayan, the left-wing of the Social Democrat current, which has a presence especially in the last two of these
"We are not trying compete with other movements," a Kamao cadre noted. "We are trying above all to broaden and consolidate mass organization. In Camarin, no other activist network is able to carry out the task we have taken on. We are working here with unions affiliated to several na3. The acronym Makanao means "humanist." 4. The Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU), or May 1 Movement, was founded in 1980. It is the most militant un-
The unions at Lawman and Phiippine Belt are affiliated to the National Federation of Labor Unions. Those at ERA and VCA are affiliated to the National Federation of Labor. The KMU is not affiliated to any world confederation. It is recognized by a series of national federations in Ireland, Australia, New Zealand, Italy and other countries. 5. The Federation of Free Workers (FFW), organized in the 1950s by American Jesuits, is affiliated to the Brotherhood of Asian Trade Unions (BATU) and the World Confederation of Labor, which are Christian 6. The Trade Union Congress of the Philippines (TUCP) was the confederation recognized by the Marcos regime. It is a member of the WFTU, World Federation of Free Trade Unions. 7. The LMLC (Lakas Manggagawa Labor Center) was established in December 1986. It has 40,000 members.
tional federations. In other places, it is mainly independent unions, or those that for the moment have joined up with the
Kamao has advanced the concept of cross-union and popular local alliances, despite the opposition of various federation leaderships, which limit themselves to giving legal support from the top to their local organizations in labor conflicts (except for some federations, such as the NAFLU, which also contribute to the political education of the workers).
Kamao's basic idea is that it is necessary to link organizing workers in their workplaces and in their communities, instead of systematically separating these two fields of action. The objective is to unite workers, their families, their friends and the neighborhood in which the workplace is located behind the same multi-sectoral cause, and in that way to reinforce popular unity and the power of the working class. This is a difficult goal, and it has not yet really been achieved. The alliance built in Camarin is centered on the factories in the locality. It does not really take in friends and
Nonetheless, there is community work in Camarin, notably in the health field, in liaison with the factories. An activist explained to me that Likas is concerned above all with primary healthcare for working people, with prevention more than cure, in contrast to the orientations followed by the official health services.!2 This organization is trying to combine the contributions of Western medicine with those of traditional (herbal) medicine and oriental medicine (acupuncture).
Community work and women's groups
The aim is to form a cooperative health service. Seminars on working conditions in the factories are beginning to be organized — sama-talakayan, that is "small discussion groups in which workers examine their situation. This is an opportunity for consciousness-raising. It becomes possible to inform people about laws that are supposed to protect the workers but are almost never Paterson Menzon, a lawyer, is its president. It includes independent unions and federations that at present are unwilling to join any of the existing confederations. 8. Bisig ("The Arm") is an acronym of Buklaran sa Ikaaunlad ng Sosyalistang Isip at Gawa, "Union for the Development of Socialist Theory and Practice." Francisco Nemenzo is its president. 9. Kamao ("The Fist") is an acronym of Kristiyanog Alyansa ng Makabayang Obrero ("Christian Alliance of Nationalist Workers"), founded in 1983. 10. Krus ("The Cross"), is an acronym of a name that mixes English and Tagalog orthography, Kristian Union toward Socialism. 11. Pandayan ("The Forge"), or Pandayan para sa Sosyalistang Pilipinas ("Forge a Vision of a Socialist Philippines"), stands to the left of the two "classical" Soc Dem. groups, the PDSP (Philippine Democratic Socialist Party) and Kasapi (Kapulungan ng Sandigang Pilipino, "Filipino Forum for Basic Ideas"). 12 Likas ("natural") is the acronym of Lingap sa Kalusugan ng Sambayan (Care for the People's Health").
respected by the bosses."
More study is necessary of the concrete conditions of existence, both in the factories and in the community, in order to be able to act effectively. This work is only in its early stages.
"The activity begun in the health field, as well as in family-planning, can be an opportunity for injecting feminist ideas, for starting up a women's movement. Male trade-union officials often complain that their companions do not understand the importance of the work they are doing. But the women are generally left at home, and therefore cannot fully develop their personalities. We are trying to form women's groups where their own problems and aspirations can be better defined."
This type of community activity can help to organize new sectors and penetrate into the factories, where there is still no real trade-union organization. Alliance of workers, urban poor and peasants
"We want to help to forge an alliance between workers, urban poor and peasants," a Kamao cadre explained to me. "We are convinced of the need for a socialist solution, for a socialist project for society. In line with this overall perspective, we want to combine effective trade-union activity with a real political capacity of the workers' movement, and thereby overcome the traditional division between narrowly economist unions and ultra-political ones. As Christians, we advocate a militant faith, inspired by liberation theology.
"In giving impetus to local 'alliances,' we are also organizing various kinds of seminars - basic trade-union education seminars or specialized ones (on contracts and so on), political education seminars (structural analysis of the crisis, comparative study of ideologies), socialist education seminars (minimum and maximum programs, socialist ethics, political line).
"In recent times, all our energies have been absorbed by the strike wave, but we hope to revive this educational work soon, which we think is absolutely indispensable. Unfortunately, we suffer from a cruel shortage of financial resources. The break with the Social Democrat movement cost us dear! The organizations endorsed by Soc. Dem. get financial aid, for example from the Dutch Christian union federation, the CNV. Those that are out of favor find
Camarin is a very ordinary corner of the Philippines, on the fringe of an immense urban complex of 6 to 8 million inhabitants, swollen by the exodus from the land. It is the ever present image of blocked human development.
The struggle is a hard one. But the social gap between the haves and the have-nots is so wide, leaves so little hope for the disadvantaged, that the bosses may one day pay very dearly for their arrogant brutality. *