Duvalier restructured the officer corps, put his right-hand men in key places and subjected the army to his will. But unlike Duvalier, Leslie Manigat had virtually no base inside Haiti. The anti-Duvalier section of the bourgeoisie had counted on being able to exercise power directly after November 29. It gave Manigat only the most timid sort of support. The new president therefore was hardly more than a front for military rule. The Haitians remained totally indifferent to his downfall.
The army decided to put Manigat in the National Palace because it found itself isolated internationally after November 29. It needed a civilian facade and a president who could get US aid flowing again. However, doing this involved twisting the arms of some in Duvalierist circles, who were very hostile to such a solution.
### US refuses aid increase
In fact, 1987 had seen the joint victory of the Duvalierist barons and the military (who, while they are mainly Duvalierist, retain special interests of their own). Together, they managed to contain the mobilzations in the summer of 1987 that had threatened the military regime. Together, they had also kept the anti-Duvalier bourgeoisie from being victorious on November 29. Some of them thought that after two years of difficulties and humiliations, they had been cheated of their victory and the rewards that should have accompanied
Moreover, Manigat suffered a grave international setback. The US congress refused to increase its aid program, which had been cut back by two thirds (from $107 to $35 million). Increased aid from France, Venezuela and Taiwan, and promises of aid from West Germany and Canada, could not fill the big hole left by the cut in the US appropriation.
In these conditions, the compromise made with Manigat lost a lot of its advantages. Several factors precipitated his downfall. In trying to increase his room for maneuver, the president entered into direct competition with the Duvalierists. They did not tolerate his attempts to place his own henchmen in public administration, where jobs are highly valued. They looked on the government's attempt to subordinate the police to the Ministry of Justice, in accordance with the constitution, with a very jaundiced eye, and they blocked it.
The government's announcement of a plan to "reorganize the neighborhood committees and vigilance brigades in a controlled rather than a freewheeling way as before" reminded them of the formation of the Tontons Macoutes. And Manigat's maneuvers to base himself on divisions in the army were also very badly received.
### Divisions in army undermining regime
The countryside and popular neighborhoods have not been a theater of mobilizations, as they were in 1987. The pressure of the army, strong and often murderous in the provinces, has played a dissuasive role. But above all, after the big mobilizations and disillusions of last year, a period of reflection and reorganization has set in popular circles.
However, during the Manigat presidency, despite his threats and the intervention of the repressive forces, strikes multiplied in the factories of the Port-au-Prince industrial zone. This social instability was compounded by the insecurity created by the terrorist commandos seeking to destabilize Manigat and intimidate the population. This led the bourgeoisie to view Manigat's departure without too much displeasure.
Finally, pressed by the World Bank, which made putting the customs services in order a condition for granting credits, Manigat tried to attack the problem of smuggling. This meant confronting a whole section of the army that makes big profits from contraband. And it proved capable of mobilizing large sections of the population in the port cities who also profit from this traffic.
After several turbulent weeks, in the course of which Leslie Manigat tried to turn alternatively for support to one section of the army involved in smuggling, represented by General Namphy, and a section specializing in drug traffic, represented by Colonel Paul, the president was driven out of power and out of the country on June 19.
The big winners seem to be some Duvalierist dignitaries, who have regained important positions in the state. But the divisions in the army, having almost led to a physical confrontation, are undermining the military regime. It is now more isolated than ever internationally. *