Instead the disgust over the financial schemes of the right wing and social-democratic policy has given rise to a leftward trend. But this has not taken the form first and foremost of a stronger left political alternative. There is no question of belittling the gains of the VPK [Communist Party]. But everyone knows that a tactical vote, especially when the VPK was in danger of being pushed out of parliament, played a very big role in the result. In day-to-day work, the party has seldom been so
The leftward trend was expressed primarily in a move away from the capitalist profit ideal and in the revival of thinking about solidarity, caring and responsibility for human beings and the environment.
That is a very promising starting point for the future. All the various attempts to put people and lives ahead of profit can be given impetus by this changed mood. That also favors the development of a strong socialist workers' alternative. In this year's election, such an alternative could not make breakthrough. The social-democratic left wing, above all represented by the alternative around the critical social democrats in Näsjö in Småland, did not manage to attract working-class voters.
The Stalinist parties, the APK [Workers' Communist Party, Moscow loyalists that took a part of the CP's traditional working-class base] and the KPMLr [a formation of ultra-left Maoist origin] were also largely bypassed by the electorate's revolt. They ended up registering many setbacks, along with some gains.
Nor was the Socialist Party able to channel the growing discontent. In fact, it lost part of its former protest voters to the Environment Party. In most cases, the party seems to have held its positions, but in some important areas there were strong gains.
With the perspective of growing difficulties for capitalist, revolutionary socialists in a number of cities represent the dominant political force to the left of the parliamentary parties.
Demands for belttightening
The coming recession will show workers even more clearly what the social democrats' policy represents. Promises about a "harvest time" will be replaced by new cutbacks and demands for belt-tightening. If the VPK sticks to its role as an appendage of the social democracy, the party will also inevitably be hit by the growing discontent with the government's policy.
Moreover, the Environment Party runs the risk of having to show its hand in its parliamentary work and not being able to capture the growing number of critical workers and youth.
In these conditions, a socialist workers' alternative is able to gain strength in everyday work and step into the growing breaches in the facade, and take a decisive step forward in the coming period. Through a socialist workers' offensive, it can transform these first experiences in day-to-day work into something new. *
Internationalen
A united Europe - but not for the bosses!
GREECE unification. This obstacle is the role of the state.
In fact, a common market with a real meaning would be a new confederation of states, indeed a supranational federal state. And since, in the age of imperialism, the role of the state is very important for sup porting the monopolies, the United States and Japan have an advantage in this respect over the pre-state structures of the EEC. In
THE ONSET of austerity in 1985 in Greece has been very much linked to pressures from the EEC. The ruling
Pan-Hellenic Socialist Movement of Andreas Papandreou was brought to power by a mass radicalization, and the turn to austerity touched off a crisis in its circles, especially among its supporters in the labor movement. This is one reason why the discussion of the meaning of EEC membership is an important part of Greek political life.
Another major factor in PASOK's popularity during its rise to power was its nationalist stance, taking advantage of the anti-US and anti-NATO feeling aroused by Western imperialist support for the dictatorship of the colonels from
1967 to 1974.
The following analysis of the EEC question is from the