Poisonous roots of the National Front came to live in the
Stockholm area quite openly to train Swedish skinheads.
growing underground
"No Nazis in our workplace"
For a month last spring, Stoppa Rasismen carried out its subway action. In the sta-
ONE OF THE major importers of labor from the third tions, 80 anti-racists demonstrated against world, West Germany also has strong racist and the Sverigeparti members. The response from the public was enormous, and Stockultra-right wing nationalistic traditions. The following holm transport workers joined the demonarticle describes the way that they interact and the strators with signs saying, "No Nazis in potential for an ultra-right breakthrough comparable to our workplace!"
The actions ended up in a big demonstrathe Le Pen vote in the spring 1988 elections in France.
tion in Sergelstorg, Stockholm's main square, with the support of several unions, associations of foster parents and others.
For several Saturdays after that, unorganized people, especially youth, gathered to protest against the Sverigeparti's vocifer-
The Sverigeparti quickly split into two sections. A contributing cause was the subway actions, but an earlier division was involved. The harder-line section took the name Sverigedemokraterna [Sweden's
Democrats], and ran candidates in several municipal elections, as well as the parliamentary elections. It did not get a foothold anywhere. Rather the result was a setback, according to the party itself. An attempt to ride on the tide of the Sjöbo referendum failed for these National Front supporters.
An analysis of the election results for the extreme right groups shows a clear retreat throughout the country. Likewise, the other parties that can be described as antiimmigrant suffered losses. The big exception was the referendum result in Sjöbo.
Unfortunately, it could be an exception that becomes the rule. Throughout Sweden there are many municipalities where antiimmigrant politicians can look forward to winning referendums against refugees.
At the same time, official Swedish immigration policy is becoming more restrictive.
Right now, a law is being prepared, which if adopted, will condemn more and more refugees to an uncertain fate. The ultra- right parties have also certainly not given up the game, even if they made no breakthroughs in the election. They are going to do their utmost to ride on racism's new found respectability after Sjöbo in order to strengthen themselves.
HANS-JÜRGEN SCHULZ
T HE FASCIST state was smashed
in Germany in 1945 but not fascism. The Allies were, in the final analysis, not interested in that. A mass anti-fascist movement was crushed in embryo, when the people's and anti-fascist committees that had developed spontaneously were banned in the westernoccupied zones by the military authorities as early as June 6, 1945. (The war ended on May 8.) Instead, a dictatorship was imposed to reducate the country in order to build up an anti-socialist oriented parliamentary democracy based on capitalist
While revolutionary tendencies and movements were obstructed or repressed, the military governments based themselves on the Nazis' bourgeois collaborators and right-wing social democrats. Many emigrés were not allowed to return. The decisive thing was that the Nazi state apparatus and social instututions were only superficially purged. Only those who were most incriminated were removed. Otherwise, these structures were maintained. Even in the British zone, for which a Labour Party government was responsible, over three-quarters of the judges and district attorneys were former Nazi party members. Elsewhere the percentage was even higher.
Under these conditions, fascist ideology was not combated, and it lived on, as soon shown by rampant anti-Communism, among many former party members (about
8.5 million) and Nazi-indoctrinated youth. Thus, for years hardly any young people joined the newly established parties. A year and a half after the war, an opinion poll showed that still less than a third of West Germans considered themselves anti-Nazi. Twelve years after the end of the Third Reich, one in every three West Germans wanted a new Nazi party or at least were not opposed, while only 38% thought that Jews should live in Germany.
### Literature prettifying
Nazism
Anti-fascism has only become predominant in the generation that has come up since the youth revolt of 1968. At the same time, the fascist undercurrent of course weakened, but nonetheless has maintained itself and could even revive. In 1980, polls showed that five and a half million West Germans (13% of the population) had a fascist view of the world, and another 15 million (37% of the population) had "authoritarian inclinations." This potential up until now has been tapped by the conservative parties, but in crisis situations some of it has gone to the fascists. For the future also, it cannot be ruled out that this may happen. Literature presenting Nazism in a heroic, pretied-up way has been published on a 33 large scale in the recent period. The "land-
International Viewpoint #155 • January 23, 1989
WEST GERMANY serhefte" [booklets portraying adventures of German soldiers during the * last world war are aimed at young people, and sing the praises bravery in a gripping price, the books written in the Spandau prison for war criminals by Hitler's armaments' minister Speer (Memoirs and Spandau Notebook) have become best sellers, with the first selling 460,000 copies and the second, 365,000.
In 1973, Thies Christophersen, a former SS corporal in Auschwitz, published abroad a book entitled The Auschwitz Myth, which flatly denied that mass murder had taken place there, and presented the concentration camp as a humanitarian internment camp. Despite being banned in West Germany, over six years it sold 80,000
These examples show that there is still a high degree of receptivity to fascist ideas, even if this does not lead to any readiness to act. Overtly fascist organizations have generally remained insignificant. It is true that in the first years after the war, they topped 10% in some state elections, and they were able to repeat this performance in the economic crisis at the end of the 1960s. Nonetheless, such electoral spurts
In the 1969 national elections, Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD) peaked, with 1.4 million votes (4.3%). After that it quickly declined, and in 1983 it got only 100,000 votes (0.2%). Contributing to such poor results is the fact that for a long time the most influential fascist organizations and publications have been calling for a vote for the Christian
Since 1980, we can once again see a slow rise of the fascist forces. The number of members, not counting sympathizing organizations, has risen from 17,000 to 25,000. A regroupment has also taken place. So, it is necessary to take a look at the currents in the fascist camp.
Most attention has been aroused by the fact that in the last year and a half groups are appearing again that openly propagate the program and emblems of Nazism, including the banned swastika. In their ranks are only a very few old Nazis. At present, they are recruiting mainly among radicalized young members of other fascist organizations, but they are also drawing substantially from uprooted youth and skinheads.
In quite legal combat sports groups in the 34 1970s, more than a thousand of these Nazis got military training and education in how to use explosives. Many arms caches were established. The results of this were soon seen. In 1979, assassination, bombing and arson attempts began on a larger scale, mainly against immigrants and left-wing institutions, such as bookstores and party
The high point of this was the September 26, 1980, bombing of the popular Munich October Festival. With the clear aim of political destabilization, a bomb was set off in the midst of a crowd, killing 13 and wounding 211. After some hesitation, the state apparatus moved energetically against this threat, and at least 15 smashed. As a result, this tactic was essentially abandoned in 1983, at least by the most important "führers."
Skinheads often attack immigrants and the left
At present, the Nazi groups have about 1,500 members and a similar number of sympathizers. The most important is the Freiheitliche Arbeiterpartei (FAP, Freedom Workers' Party), led by Michael Kühnen. Some of these groups have close international connections. So far they are limiting themselves mainly to indoctrination, provocative actions and occasional attacks. Skinheads (who number about 2,000), however, often attack immigrants and left headquarters. They are responsible for a series of murders. The number of these is unknown, because the authorities have long classified the crimes of the skinheads as "non-political," and therefore not kept any special account of them.
Today, the FAP is concentrating its forces on some localities where it is running slates in the muncipal elections under the slogan "Throw out the foreigners — National Unity." It is hoping for some spectacular successes in order to get up the momentum for a regroupment of forces.
The danger is not that the Nazi groups, which are building up social demogogic agitation, may win a bigger political influence, but that terrorist gangs can be recruited among them that mighi be used against the workers' movement and particularly immigrant workers.
Owing to ideological differences and personal ambitions, the fascist camp was for a time splintered into 150 different organizations. This division has been considerably reduced. Today, three-quarters of the fascists belong to two organizations, the Deutsche Volksunion (DVU, German People's Union) and the NPD.
The DVU, led by Dr. Frey, is a political association consisting mainly of old fascists. The membership is well advanced in years and mostly inactive. It grows its strength from the influence of the Deutsche Nationalzeitung, which has a circulation of 130,000 and is one of the largest weekly papers, and from a book-publishing operation. This is tied up with considerable financial strength. Moreover, through a strong system of alliances, Dr. Frey managed to bring together a a series of other organizations and informal circles, largely overcoming the previous fragmentation.
With 6,200 members and a youth organization of 750, the NPD is the only fascist organization that has organizational significance nationally, based on the activity of its members. In the 1987 federal parlimanetary it got 227,000 votes (0.6%). However, it would be an illusion to judge its influence and possibilities from this
In West Germany, there are about 50 reactionary and openly fascist publicists and theoreticians. To some extent under the influence of the New Right in France, they have been working loosely together to modernize a previously backward-looking ideology. On the basis of the contemporary relationship of political forces and the general problems, they have been trying to redefine national and social goals and to work out a corresponding program that can also attract the conservative forces.
For this work, they have at their disposal a series of monthly magazines, Deutschland-Magazin, Nation Europa, MUT [initials spelling the word "courage"), Neue Zeit, Elemente and Criticon, which have circulations running from 5,000 to 70,000; and also big-name conservative dailies such as Die Welt and the Frankfurter Allgemeine. Through these publications, relatively broad layers can be influenced
This "New Right" either rejects Nazism or pushes it into the background. The concepts and theories of Nazism are barely propagated by these publicists. Instead they call for a conservative renewal or revolution. Even democracy and the right of self-determination are represented, through the call for referendums and direct election of the federal president. Social problems are taken up in a demagogic way ("jobs for Germans"). The destruction of the environment is portrayed as a result of overpopulation owing to immigration.
"Preserving national and cultural integrity"
Instead of the old nationalism and "Greater Germany," a Europe of the peoples is propagated, the pivot of which is a reunited Germany including East Germany and the old eastern territories, and often also Austria and South Tyrol. Finally, this German-dominated Europe is to free the old continent from dependency on the two superpowers and increase its military strength accordingly.
Instead of discredited racism, they call for respect for the natural inequality of human beings and for preserving the national and cultural integrity of the immigrant workers, who on this "humane basis" ought to be sent back to their homelands. Class struggle and special-interest group egoism are to be overcome through national solidarity. In daily life, this all too often
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*
lurkenraus
January 23, 1989 • #155 International Viewpoint turns into unbridled xenophobia, anti-Communism and chauvinism.
As a result of the developing crisis, in recent years readiness to vote for reactionary and fascist parties has increased, especially among farmers and other middle layers, but apparently also among the unemployed and recipients of social welfare. Readiness to act in support of these parties has, however, increased only insignificantly. Thus, reactionary groupings — such as the "Republiwho have no party organization worthy of the name - have been able, through populist demagogy, to get up to 3% of the vote in state parliamentary
With an expenditure of 2 million marks and no slogan but "Foreigners out," the DVU managed to get 3.4% of the vote in 1987 in Bremen, although their campaign did not include a single rally or public speech. It was conducted only through advertisements and mailings, without any party organization. Even their candidates joined the party only shortly before the
The DVU relied almost exclusively on xenophobia: "Germany for the Germans"; "Stop the immigration of foreigners...expell the criminal foreigners and asylum-seekers. German jobs for German
In other state parliamentary elections, they have called mainly for defending farmers against agribusiness through tax relief and restricting imports, and for supporting the professional middle classes, but also for protecting the environment. In most of the state parliamentary elections the formerly divided fascist and reactionary forces (the "Republicans") have been able to get about 5% of the vote.
Fascists' organizational weaknesses
If the fascists were to succeed in building up a stronger and more effective organization, they could now, at least for a time, get scores of between 5% and 10%. Their organizational weakness comes from the fact that the members of existing reactionary mass organizations (especially the veterans' organizations and associations of former inhabitants of the eastern territories) are elderly, and many employed in the state apparatus will not commit themselves openly for fear of repercussions thai may
Today, there is an attempt to bring together all these forces. On the basis of a renovated program and encouraged by their political rise in recent years, the DVU and NPD have developed de facto collaboration. They are jointly preparing for the European elections, in which they expect a breakthrough. They are also trying to win over the "Republicans" to this project. If that is acomplished, and there is no credible political alternative, then the united right could achieve successes in West Germany comparable to those of the National Front in France.
### Turkish immigrant workers
Fascist and other reactionary organizations among the Turkish immigrant workers are a special case. While the left organizations in this milieu and among the Kurds have suffered sharp losses in membership, in the last decade radical rightwing leagues have been built up, and the danger exists that they may become
One such is the fascist-like Turkish Federation (ADUTDF), or Grey Wolves, which were organized by the MÇP [Milli Çaliskanlar Partisi, National Workers' Party] led by Türkes, which was formally called the MHP [Milli Hareket Partisi, National Action Party]. This organization is structured in accordance with idea of a strong leader [Führerprinzip], extremely nationalistic (every nation "wages a merciless struggle to impose...its authority over others") and racist ("the Turkish race is more valuable than all other races").
Despite strong adaptation to Islamic ideology, the Turkish Federation has been almost overwhelmed in recent years by aggressive Islamic fundamentalism. Between 1981 and 1987, its membership fell from 23,000 to 10,000. And in October 1987, it was further weakened by the breakaway of the Turkish Islamic Union (TIKDB), which is linked to the IDP [Islahatçi Demokrasi Partisi, Democratic Reform Party, a Muslim religious party]. The two organizations are supposed to have
WEST GERMANY "Turks out":
racist graffiti in
West Germany (DR)
The fundamentalist leagues is the AMGT, which is directed by the Welfare Party (formerly the MSP, Milli Selamet Partisi, National Salvation Party) led by N. Erbekan. It is financed by the Arab oil states, and was organized by non-Turkish members of the Muslim Brotherhood in the early and mid-1970s, through systematic construction of Islamic centers and Koranic schools. These institutions were transferred to the AMT officially in the early 1980s.
According to the estimates of the German intelligence services, it has 19,000 members. It itself claims 60,000. It has its own daily, the Milli Gazete ["National Gazette"]. It plans to build its own trade union, which can be based on the factory council members it already has in big plants such as Ford
The Saudi-financed League of Islamic Societies and Communities under C. Kaplan takes an even more radical line. It was founded in 1984. It is not yet known how many members it has. But it has been able to organize rallies of up to 3,000 people.
Another fundamentalist current is the Union of Islamic Cultural Centers in Europe (AIKMB), organized by the Süleymali secret dervish order. It has at least 18,000 members, and places special emphasis on
Religious and social indoctrination
All these leagues, except the Turkish Federation, whose headquarters is in Frankfurt, have their center in Cologne, from which they direct their members in all the West European countries. They do not consciously intervene in West German politics but recruit supporters for later work in Turkey. And they combat progressive Turkish and Kurdish associations by terrorist means. Their members are bound together through intense religious, cultural and social indoctrination, and are almost entirely cut off from West German society. Their common goal is to organize cadres for the struggle for a fascist or Islamic fundamentalist Turkish state with a nationalist and expansionist orientation.
Turkish immigrant workers belong overwhelmly to the working class, even if in most cases to a first-generation proletariat. It is worrying that fascist and fundamentalSte currents have been ble 10 win such 35 strong support among them. *