Obviously the big political question behind all of these debates is the perestroika process in the USSR and the political conflicts it is unleashing. For a party used to cultivating the image of a brotherly Soviet paradise on earth, the recognition of Stalin's crimes and of modern contradictions in the USSR has come as a severe shock. Moreover, Gorbachev's popularity and the opening he proposes immediately enabled all the critics in the party to identify with his political positions, arguing that the Stalinist heritage was at the root of the PCP's bureaucratic functioning and the major cause of its loss of influence. Incidentally, one of the arguments for expelling Seabra from the Political Commission was that she had been in contact with two Soviet citizens living in Portugal.
The attitude taken towards the Soviet Union has always been a litmus test for the leadership of the PCP. The contradiction was very clear during the congress itself. Vadim Medvedev, the Kremlin's representative, presented a conciliatory message at
----- pull-quotes on this page -----
PORTUGAL rhetoric perceived as etched in stone.
February 6, 1989 • #156 International Viewpoint the beginning of the Congress, extolling the institutional relations between the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), the president of the Portuguese Republic and the Portuguese government. The delegate from the Hungarian CP also presented a vigorous defense of the economic liberalization, and the economic reforms underway.
It was Georges Marchais, general secretary of the French CP, who appeared to speak for those who had reservations about Gorbachev. In his intervention, immediately following that of the Soviet delegate, he stressed that perestroika was a fine thing, so long as it stopped at the borders of the Soviet Union. Even if Cunhal now wishes to appear more enthusiastic about the CPSU leadership's policies, in fact, he is among those who have reservations, and is aligning himself with the France-East Germany bloc.
Throughout the whole period of preparation for the Congress, in each debate, Alvaro Cunhal reiterated that there was no crisis, large or small, in the PCP. The leadership tried systematically to minimize the impact of internal contradictions, not however, meeting with much success. All of the major documents of the opposition groups had already been published in the bourgeois press, thus easily accessible to all Communists.
However, the bureaucratic machine went into action, and the overwhelming majority of 2,000 delegates (thus, theoretically representing 200,000 members) was of course already won over to uncritical support of all of the leadership's positions. Nonetheless, it was a surprise for them to watch critical currents speak up and even cast their fifty votes against, or abstain, in the case of the election of the new Central
Some of the themes raised by the oppositions were incorporated into the Congress' final document. But the leadership concentrated its efforts especially on presenting the concept of "advanced democracy" as a wonderful theoretical innovation capable of giving the party a new strategic profile. Curiously enough, this is the same great discovery of the French CP's Eurocommunist period, in vogue during the Union of the Left in 1972, and today it is being rediscovered by the same Portuguese CP which criticized it harshly back then.
### Weakening of PCP's electoral strength
However, the open debate in the PCP at least had the merit of bringing into question all of the essential points of the new program. Among these were the stagist conception of revolution which is fundamental to the document on democracy, the concept of "advanced democracy" and that of tak ing power through electoral means, which are presented as substitutes for a struggle for power based on the direct action in working-class struggles. The situation is all the more contradictory since there is obvi-
PORTUGAL ously a long-term weakening of the PCP's electoral strength.
Once again the struggle against monopolies is being prioritized, and the class nature of the bourgeois democratic regime which came to power on April 25, 1974, is being treated as an abstract question. What is proposed is the creation of a new society lacking either any socialist option or the capability for responding to potential for mobilization that was revealed last year by the mass movement, especially during the general strike of March 1988 (see /V 139). Opposition to entry into the Common Market has been dropped in favor of a debate over how efficient this or that formula is for influencing regional or sectoral policies. The PCP refuses to place itself in the context of international struggle for building a strategic alternative to the EEC and the unification of workers' struggles on a Europe-
These are some of the themes debated during the congress in Oporto, where oppositionists, of course, criticized the official line. But still more important new developments also took place and were, in fact, the most surprising aspect of the meeting. For the first time in the history of the PCP, some union leaders and members openly took a critical position. The case that drew the most press and television coverage was that of José Judas, the central leader of the CGTP, who spoke briefly at the very beginning of the Congress in order to protest the internal regime of the presiding Central Committee and to propose the election of the new CC by secret ballot.
This was considered by all oppositionists as one way of enabling the congress to show its true feelings about the choice of a new leadership and the continuation - or not - of the older historic leadership core. The proposal was immediately defeated, but remains very important. In this way, Judas clearly came out in favor of the criticisms coming from the Third Road and as the spokesperson for the proposal that has been hardest fought by the Cunhal leadership.
CP's crisis reflected in trade-unions
From the social and institutional point of view, this position in favor of opposition currents taken by a major trade-union lead. er will carry great weight in the future debates in the party, and demonstrates that a section of its cadres is sensitive to concrete experience and to pressure from the mass movement. In fact, the PCP's internal conflict had already come out into the open in the union confederation itself, when the
DA MAIS FORÇA
A LIBERDADE vota
Communist leaders divided at at the time of the struggle over the government's proposal for changing the labor code. One section of the CGTP leaders was in favor of calling a general strike jointly with the General
17
Workers' Union (UGT, the confederation that has been influenced by the Socialist
----- pull-quotes on this page -----
PCP
THE REVOLUTIONARY Socialist Party (PSR), Portuguese section of in the struggle to find a just solution to this situation where the right of dozens of Portuguese citizens to that fundamental element of well-
International Viewpoint #156 • February 6, 1989
PORTUGAL
Party and the right) for a general strike.
This section ran up against other Communist leaders who insisted on the traditional sectarian position of having nothing to do with the UGT.
the Fourth International met for its sixth national congress on Novem-
The current that was most open to unity ber 26-27, 1988. The agenda included discussions on the political situin action was able to enforce its point of ation, the preparation of an anti-militarist campaign involving youth, view, which permitted the CGTP to supand finally an organizational plan and a concrete work calendar. The port the call for a general strike against the political theses and the organizational resolution were unanimously government issued by the UGT. Aware of approved, but the document on anti-militarist work (It covered a the deep divisions that have existed workchange in the PSR's traditional position and a defense of the slogan ers' struggles, Judas and other Communist
"No to the Army" as a general rejection of militarism) was criticized by leaders tried systematically to come up some delegates, and finally passed with 80% of the votes, 10% against with new ways of calling strikes, notably large united factory assemblies. This ex-
A few days later, the fifteenth anniversary of the foundation of the perience weighed heavily, no doubt, during
International Communist League (LCI), the predecessor of the PSR, the final discussion of the Oporto congress.
offered the occasion for a public meeting in Lisbon, to publicize the re-
It is also significant that the Communist sults of the congress. During the day-long anniversary meeting, the leader who came out of the congress incon-
PSR also organized a debate around the changes taking place in the testably the number two figure in the party
USSR, with an opening talk by Alain Krivine, leader of the French Revwas Domingos Acrantes, who was the olutionary Communist League (LCR), in front of around 200 people.
leader and major advocate of the most sec-
The Portuguese Communist Party was represented by a member of tarian current of CP trade-unionists.
the Central Committee, and the Green Party sent their deputy. Other
In this sense, the debate and current crisis left organizations were also present, as well as trade unionists, former in the PCP has a point of departure quite officers from the Armed Forces Movements [MFA, the political-military different than that of the French CP. After a grouping that staged the coup d'état, beginning the "revolution of carpreliminary wave of protest centered prinations" in 1974, a grouping including a wide range of political posimarily on the undemocratic methods of tions] and members from other currents.
discussion and leadership, real strategic
A message from imprisoned comrade Natercia Campos was read.
problems came to the fore. They were dis-
Campos was the PSR's candidate in the last legislative elections, and cussed under the pressure of the need to is now in prison for 13 years, accused of belonging to the same choose a political orientation for the mass rorist" organization as Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho. Lieutenant-colonel movement, and most importantly for the
Otelo de Carvalho, who was one of the strategists of the 1974 "revoluunions. This question is all the more urgent tion of carnations," was condemned to 15 years of prison in December since the second general strike is being pre-
1986, accused of being one of the "major leaders" of the clandestine pared for the early part of 1989.
left organization "People's Power - April 25" (FP-25) which Is suspected of carrying out twelve assassinations and around twenty bombings since it was founded in 1980. Carvalho, who has always denled these
Growing isolation and accusations, also sent a message to the PSR rally, from Tumari, the loss of members military prison where he is being held. We publish extracts below.
Despite its weakening, the CP maintains its basic core of social control, the CGTP,
The PSR is holding its sixth congress and commemorating its fifteenth and its influence in the area affected by anniversary. On this occasion, it is a real pleasure for me to offer hearagrarian reform. Its room for maneuver has ty congratulations to all party members and leaders, sending to all my nonetheless been reduced, and it is faced with growing problem of isolation and a
It is commonplace to say that the Portuguese left must find new significant loss of members. The situation paths, new forms of expression, and a new language that is the prodis such that today, for instance, the vast mauct of the intelligence and moral values that we hold, as well as the jority of the Lisbon regional organization, principles for which the left fights. I believe that, in this sense, the PSR the most important part of the party, has an
Is the party which is working the most for this change within this ideoaverage age of over fifty!
logical sphere, which is so divided and fragmented today.
A reaffirmation of the continuity of its
We have seen great examples of what I just described both in the leadership and policies therefore seemed to perseverance of its candidates in the last series of electoral camthe congress to be the best response to the paigns, as well as the documents published in its excellent paper current and future crises. This attitude is,
Combate, without a doubt, the best left paper put out in our country.
however, not incompatible with other,
Vaccinated against the terrible sectarian poison that has destroyed all more surprising innovations, as for examof the attempts to work together in a common framework of a nonple in the area of friendly relations with aligned left, the PSR has always stayed open to the free debate of ideother organizations. For example, during as, respecting those of others while continuing to fight non-stop for its the closing session of the Revolutionary
Socialist Party's congress (PSR, Portu-
I hope that the PSR will win a large place among political parties, and guese section of the Fourth International).
that its young leaders will have a large role in the national political the representative of the PCP, a member of the Central Committee, allowed himself to
To everyone, militants and leaders of the PSR, I would like to express be photographed with Alain Krivine, leader my thanks for the serious actions and steady pressure which have of the LCR (the PSR's sister organization continued in the fight for my release and that of my companions, and in France), and even stated to the newspapers that he found it incomprehensible that a similar discussion at this level could not
18 take place in Paris, between the LCR and the French CP...* and 10% abstentions.
Comrades, warmest fraternal greetings.
own.
scene.
being, liberty, is being denied. *
----- pull-quotes on this page -----
PSR congress