Manifesto of the Movement for Civic Liberty (HOS)
candidates in the elections, or by any other means.
The Movement for Civic Liberty must be the place where the political will of citizens is asserted in a truly free way. Thus, it has to bring together the diversity of interests and of political orientations.
Democracy for all
We therefore propose some basic ideas and objectives on which we have agreed until now as a starting point for reflection and for elaboration. We put them forward to all our fellow citizens and therefore also to all the potential participants in the Movement for Civic Liberty.
THE DEMONSTRATIONS in August last year in Prague marked the end of an epoch - an epoch of fear. A new stage of discussion and political definitions opened up for the opposition. Last October, the Manifesto of the
Movement for Civic Liberty (HOS) was published signed by around 100 personalities.1
Petr Uhl, a well-known Czech revolutionary Marxist, was not among the signatories. He wrote an article in response to the Manifesto to explain his disagreements with it.
We are publishing here major excerpts from the two documents, which include debates that are relevant to all the Eastern European countries.
DOCUMENT
HE TIME HAS COME for a real
T political work. So let us venture into this terrain, towards which people harbour such widespread mistrust because of those who, over the years, have occupied it with their dictatorship and their incompetence.
This terrain must be rehabilitated. Politics must once again become a place for the expression and the practice of the real interests of the society.
The balance sheet of the results of 70 years of existence of the Czechoslovak state is not a satisfying one. We are living through an epoch of profound moral decadence in the whole of the society; we are living in undemocratic conditions, in conditions of limited and national and state sovereignty; we are deteriorating in the economic and technological spheres; the creative potential of the society is constantly smothered by centralized manipulation;
our environment is becoming increasingly repugnant; many representatives of the younger generations, disgusted, are leaving their homeland; our country, in the past one of Europe's most developed, has now regressed into being one of the most backward.
The present government, up to a point, is aware of this crisis and has proclaimed or is preparing some partial reforms. But it is
18 incapable of going beyond its own limits and renouncing its totalitarian-style of gov-
International Viewpoint #160 • April 3, 1989 ernment, which constitutes the essential reason for this crisis.
This is why it is high time that the society — that is, all of us — got involved in politics. Starting from this immediate necessity, using the efforts of Charter 77 over a number of years to scrupulously describe the situation in our country and encouraged by the activities of other independent initiatives in Czechoslovakia and other coun tries in the Soviet bloc, we have decided to form the Movement for Civic Liberty. "The present government is incapable of going beyond its limits"
We see it as a free association of groups and political clubs that are not subordinated to any central authority, which have been freely created in different regions of the country and which unites people who are not indifferent to the future of our homeland. People who are prepared, in respect for pluralism, for an open discussion of all the political problems and who have decided to get involved directly in the political struggle, whether by organizing discussion forums at workplaces or in the localities, a commitment to general or local demands, trying to present independent
Democracy is our tradition After the painful events of our recent history, a number of Czechs and Slovaks have wondered whether it was wise to demolish the Austrian empire and create an independent Czechoslovak state, which, as a small country in the heart of Europe, has difficulty resisting pressures Irom its more powerful neighbours. These people forget that Masaryk2 and his collaborators - Czechs and Slovaks - saw the formation of our republic as an integral part of the democratic revolution of the epoch, which aimed at setting up Europe as a community of democratic states developing
Their conception took as its starting point the needs of a modern world where all the social forces wanted representation on equal footing, where frontiers between peoples and states would inevitably lose their importance. So it was in no way a provincial or chauvinistic conception. Even if European history in recent decades has been very bitter, Masaryk's long-term conception is confirmed as making good sense. The proof of this is given, for example, by the deepgoing process of integration of very diverse countries that has already been taking place for some time in the Western part of our continent.
But the biggest threats facing the world and Europe — military or ecological — cannot be resolved definitively if the ideal of democratic unification is only being realized in one part of Europe. That is why more and more people in the West, as well as in the East, are realizing that the sole way forward for all of us is to aim for an absolute democracy in the whole of Europe, including that part where we live. We are convinced that this is also the only possible way forward for Czechoslovakia. We do not know yet how our country will set out toward democracy nor what forms such democracy will take in the future. A simple return to the past is impossible. 1. This text was translated from a French version that appeared in Nouvelle alternative, originally translated by Amber Bousoglou. 2. Thomas Masaryk (1850-1937): leader of the independence struggle against the Austro-Hungarian empire and founder of the Czech state, Masaryk was influenced by the positive ideas of Auguste Comte and Christian humanism, believing in the model of an ideal democracy. He remains a reference due to his moral authority.
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Romania
Nevertheless, we think that the ideal and values on which our state was born, and the experiences — good or bad - during its first 20 years of existence, constitute an important heritage full of inspiration, a heritage that it is possible to build on.
What must concern us above all is a real democracy, that is to say democracy for all, democracy as a system based on spiritual, political and economic pluralism as well as on mutual tolerance.
Without an overall moral renaissance of the society and a new development of its creative capacities, no democracy will be created by simple bureaucratic fiat. But, at the same time, without building democratic structures, the moral and creative energy of the society can never develop and find its place. The civic courage of individuals and the creation of new conditions or social structures must therefore go hand in hand.
As partisans of independent thinkling, we want to work for a state that places no one ideology above all the others, and against any such a domination resting on basic law or other laws. The only limit to equality of opinions, or rather their expression, concerns those who have proven that they do not recognize this equality and who try to limit it. As partisans of democracy, we are opposed to the leading role of the Czechoslovak Communist Party - or of any other party or broad association of organizations that assume the right to speak in the name of all - being enshrined in the constitution.
Those who govern will have to win the confidence of the citizens, and if they lose it they will have to hand over power to those who have won this confidence. For principled reasons, we reject any group in society being superior to other groups. The citizens must not be divided into superior and inferior categories; the nomenklatura and the restrictions about cadres must be abolished; no ideology should be held up as a criterion of the capacity to carry out pub3 For a new democratic conformally forbid abuse of this limitation, whether this be by promulgating another law or decree or through an arbitrary interpretation of the basic law. Without their agreement no citizens should be deprived of their citizenship.
"The future constitution must be absolutely clear, with no ambiguities"
The constitution must include the possibility of organizing referendums on some important questions concerning the whole of the society. It must reinforce the powers of the president of the republic; introduce the principle of presidential elections by universal suffrage; and create civil courts. It is indispensable to create a constitutional council as a supreme body to watch over constitutionality.
In all its basic principles the future constitution must be absolutely clear, with no ambiguities. But at the same time it must be brief and further evolution must not be ruled out because is too detailed (for example, concerning the structure of the state
A new electoral law and one on political organizations should be promulgated at the same time as the new constitution. This law, in the spirit of this democratic constitution, should make possible freedom of political activity and concretize the means by which different kinds of civic representatives could submit themselves to the verdict of the electorate and participate in the management of public affairs.
Associative life is and always has been the natural expression of a culturally articulate society and the natural terrain of its political life. That is why, at the same time as a new constitution, it is necessary to proclaim a new law on association which, in place of neutralizing this domain will, to the contrary, allow it to re-emerge.
We know of course that even the best of constitutions will not automatically guarantee real democracy just by its existence. But in our situation, simply adopting a
4 Re-establish the state based on rights Legal culture, legal conscience and respect for the law are decaying in our country. To revive them, the first step must be the progressive rebuilding of the whole legal system. It must be simplified, clarified and cleansed of all its totalitarian elements.
To do this, first of all it is necessary that the whole legal system be made to conform to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, unconditionally and leaving no room for evasive manoeuvres. Our legislation must respect human rights treaties, as well as the other international standards already formally adopted by our state.
We need a Penal Code eliminating all those elements allowing political abuses contrary to a democratic constitution. Civic, economic and administrative rights must be modified in a way that institutes a balanced relationship between the rights of the individual and those of society.
Courts must be given total independence, guaranteeing the same rights to the defence as to the public prosecutor. The bar must be an independent organization. In front of the court, a lawyer must have the same rights as a prosecutor. The creation of civil courts must enable the function of a prosecutor to be limited to public indictments in criminal cases.
It is necessary to elaborate a new regulation on detention that corresponds to modern knowledge and experience, that transfers detention centres to the civil administration and that humanizes them. Imprisoned citizens must not be humiliated physically or morally under the pretext of reeducation, and their labour must not be exploited. Provisional detention must only be applied where it has been shown to be indispensable, and its application has to respect the principle of the presumption of
An amended law on the state security service (SNB) and adequate training should lead all the members of the SNB to behave as citizens whose role is to protect others and not to control them. Security has to be under the control of representative bodies stitution
The new Czechoslovak constitution has to be inspired by these principles in order to guarantee, without
CZECHOSLOVAKIA any equivocation, the equality of all citizens before the law as well as all the essential civil rights of assem-
East bly, of association and the exercise democratic constitution will undoubtedly be a big step towards democracy.
200 miles and of the public. The state security service, this enormous, all-powerful, fearsome and omnipresent instrument of authoritarian manipulation of citizens, whose real authority even surpasses its currently defined powers in a number of cases, must be trans-
Germany of political will. Such a constitution must not put into doubt the sovereignty of the Czechoslovak state.
It must also guarantee all citizens the right to travel freely, both to leave their homeland and to return; the phenomenon of exile must therefore lose its meaning. If, in some exceptional cases, it is necessary to limit this right, these exceptions must be clearly defined in the constitution. It is also necessary to 149
Poland
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Hungary formed into an indispensable conter-espionage and anti-terrorist service. The effect of this will be a radical reduction in the number of
The reform of the economic system will necessitate a thoroughgoing modification of economic rights. The impenetrable tangle of laws and amendments, decrees and ordinances must be replaced by the most simple, comprehensible and
19 stable code possible, which will
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USSR
CZECHOSLOVAKIA • DOCUMENT give enterprises and individuals certainty on the rules that govern the different forms of economic activity.
Social rights have to be simplified and humanized, starting with administrative rights.
Citizens must be relieved of their fear of functionaries as some sort of modern overlords, and the functionaries have to submit to the control of representative public bodies. It is unthinkable, for example, that the delegates to
National Committees [these have replaced the municipal councils and also exist at district and regional levels] are only appendices or ornaments of their apparatuses. If National Committees are to be more than a simple caricature of their name, their apparatus cannot conduct itself in a more authoritarian manner than the pretectural administration did in times past.
5
Saving the environment
This section talks about the ecological dangers facing the country and the need for a project of development that takes into account these problems./
Roads leading to economic
6 Cure Perily
Our experience has shown that economic pluralism is impossible without political pluralism, and that without economic pluralism the country's economy falls behind and declines. This is why only a transformation of the political system such as we envisage can open the way to a really radical economic reform that will free the enterprises from the yoke of the centralized bureaucracy. The sphere of the enterprise can be made creative once again using financial levers, by a clear-sighted support for sectors that have a promising future. Above all, this can be brought about by returning to the principles of supply and demand, to market relations, to competition and to real prices.
We think that the search for new forms of social ownership of the enterprises, including self-management forms, is naturally part of such a radical reform of the economy. We are in favour of strong support for cooperatives, we are for pluralism of various forms of ownership and decision- making and for conditions that will allow the different sectors of the economy and the enterprises to look for those forms that best suit their specific needs, which allow the best utilization of an enterprising spirit and which, consequently, lead to their prospenty
We think that the full re-establishment of private enterprise is inevitable in the areas
20 of commerce, cottage industry, small- and medium-sized enterprises, a section of
International Viewpoint #160 • April 3, 1989
"The full re-establishment of private enterprise is inevitable" agriculture and in the cultural domain. It should be possible for peasants to opt for possessing a family farm or long-term renting of land by a cooperative. The perspective of working for oneself will lead to benefits for the whole of society. Without the participation of private individuals, small cooperatives and small independent enterprises, neither satisfactory services for the population nor a development of inventiveness can be assured. All of this must be generously supported by the granting of long-term credits, as well as by tax reductions and material aid for those starting out It is in this sector that jobs could be created for those who are going to lose them owing to the indispensable reduction of an excessive administration and the closing of nonprofitable enterprises. Entrepreneurs must enjoy a legal status that guarantees them the benefits of the fruits of their work.
As regards big industry, it will be necessary to reorganize it in such a way that the profitability factor is not subordinated to political concerns such as artificial jobcreation or the choice of priorities being dictated by distorted international economic relations. The Czechoslovak economy should be integrated naturally in the world economy, based on the international division of labour, which generally has a stim-
7
No problems in this country can be resolved while it is not possible to talk about them in public and to write freely. Spiritual life, culture and the mass media represent the brain and the nerves of society, the instrument of its consciousness. They focus its knowledge and its thinking, and they provide a place where society discovers and forges its moral consistency and identity. The precondition for all improvement is therefore cultural freedom in the widest sense of the term. It is therefore a priority to do away with all obvious and hidden forms of censorship, but also the central manipulations of all kinds in this area. Independent mass media, publishing houses and press agencies must develop and act in total freedom, whether they be state institutions or cooperatives or privately-owned. No central administration, no more than the unions manipulated by their founders, has the right to limit any form of thought or to decide on its quality — only the public has the right to judge. The administration can only do one thing: create the material and organizational conditions for culture. The unions can only represent the interests of their members on questions of employment, conditions of work or social interests; none of them can a priori monopolize creation and thus prevent the emergence of another
It is also indispensable to fundamentally transform teaching, whose current decline is alarming. Schools are not only places where young people prepare for professions that are needed by the national economy, and in no case can they be the tools of any sort of ideological indoctrination where only servile individuals are educated who are incapable of thinking for themselves. Teaching must furnish a truly universal scholarship, inculcate freedom of thought, open up broad horizons and help people to orient themselves morally in the world. This is why the principle of ideological and institutional pluralism has equally to penetrate teaching. The inviolability of university territory must be guaranteed. Political criteria for the selection of teachers, pupils and students, as well as in awarding university and scientific degrees, have to be abolished. Only talent, professional capacity and humane values must be taken into
In the area of research, the development of diverse autonomous workplaces must be made possible — institutes, laboratories for practical research — subsidized by the state or by enterprises, organizations or foundations. Totally free circulation of people and ideas has been an obvious necessity for a long time in scientific and university circles. If this cannot be revived, we are going
DOCUMENT • CZECHOSLOVAKIA
Vydrár, Pavel Vydrár, Tomás Zelenka, Rudolf Zeman, Vit Zukal, Katerina to pay dearly for it.
Religlous freedom Spiritual pluralism means not only equality and mutual respect for people with different beliefs but also the right, mutually respected, to manifest their faith in public and in the appropriate institutions. This is why we fully support the demand for a separation of church and state, so that believers here can enjoy the same liberties as in all civilized countries.
Freedom of activity for monastic orders, masculine and feminine, according to their ancient traditions, must also be guaranteed. Religious freedom is in the interests of all of us and not solely of sections of the community.
While a Christian cannot really live as a Christian, nobody else can fully live as they would wish. The control exercised by the state over the churches is amoral because it introduces an additional inequality in the society: believing citizens in addition must submit to a law that does not apply to others.
From an historical point of view, we regard as particularly important the fact that it was not such a long time ago that it was precisely the Catholics who came out so massively both for the rights of believers and for citizen's rights. 9 Independent unions
Workers must have the right to create unions from below, organize them as they think fit and use them to demonstrate their real profesional and social interests. Experience shows clearly the importance of the right to pluralism in
Cechoslovakla Is part of
12 For uP
•For us the advancement of Cechoslovakia towards democracy is part of a much larger process that, with varying levels of intensity and under diverses guises, is unfolding today in most of the Soviet bloc countries. The citizens are beginning to demand their freedom and governments are beginning to realize that the totalitarian system leads to an impasse. "We want to put an end to the heritage of the cold war" CZECHOSLI
Of course, we do not liken such a process to an attempt to break by violent means the links that, historically, exist between our countries. However, we want to transform them into democratic links, based on equality and full respect for the will and the interests of all the participants. So we are not aiming for destabilization, uncertainties and quarrels, but at overcoming all that remains of imperial Stalinist policies. We also want to put an end to the heritage of the cold war, with the traditional policies of balance in Europe based on the interests of the two super-powers, and to the dubious notion the only thing that can maintain peace is reinforcing the status quo.
A real and lasting peace can only be based on reciprocal confidence between peoples who freely enjoy their rights and between democratic states. Of course, this confidence is not created in the offices of diplomatic negotiators. It can only be translated into concrete results after being born and developed in European society as a whole....
We are neither utopians nor impatient. We know full well that Cechoslovakia will not become a prosperous and democratic state overnight. We still have a lot of work ahead of us, difficult work.
But we can no longer put off the start or wait. Too many storm clouds are gathering above civilization today, and the crisis in which our homeland finds itself is far too profound to allow us such a luxury.
We therefore invite all our co-citizens to take the road that we suggest by the means that seem to them the most useful. They can do this not only by signing the manifesto, but by any practical work for the victory of trade-union life.
The unions directed by the state and which enjoy a monopoly, even if they try to
Initial signatories to the Manifesto for Civic Liberty do their best, by their very nature cannot be anything more than one more instrument of
Frantisek Adamik, Milan Balabán, Pavel Barsa, Rudolf Battek, Jarmila Belitotalitarian power. If the state must not be ková, Tomás Belka, Antonin Belohoubek, Václav Benda, Rudolf Bereza, the sole employer of all the workers, nor
Karel Binovec, Irena Boruvková, Pavel Bratinka, Marcela Bruncliková, Jana the single autorized representative of their
Bucharová, Jan Carnogursky, Jirina Cechová, Albert Cerny, Ivan Dejmal, interests, it can in no way be both at the
Stanislav Deváty, Jiri Dienstbier, Viktor Dobal, Jan Dobrovsky, Premysl same time. The unions must be indepen-
Fialka, Markéta Fialková, Karel Freund, Eduard Geisler ml., Jaromir Glac, dent of the state and the employers. This is
Stefan Gürtler, Vladimir Hajny, Václav Havel, Ladislav Hejdánek, Ivan Hoftthe only way they can carry out their real man, Marie Holubcová, Jirina Hrábková, Ludvik Hradilek, Tomas Hradílek, function, that the economy can operate
Jana Hradilková, Simona Hradilková, Jozef Jablonicky, Bohumir Janát, healthily and that latent social problems
Drahoslavá Janderová, Milan Jelínek, Milan Jungmann, Petr Kabes, Jiri will stop growing worse.
Kanturek, Eva Kanturková, Bozena Komárková, Jan Kozlik, Daniel Kroupa,
Jiri Krivsky, Marie Rút Krizková, Bohumir Kuba, Marie Kubová, Miroslav
10
Against the militarization
Kusy, Ivan Lamper, Ján Langos, Ales Lederer, Ladislav Lis, Ja 1 Litomisky, of society
Sergej Machonin, Jirí Machovsky, Vladimir Manák, Anna Marvanová,
[In this section the signatories
Jaroslav Meznik, Vladimir Mlynár, Dana Mrtvá, Michal Mrtvy, Pavel Naudemand the right to an alternative to miliman, Martin Palous, Radim Palous, Jan Payne, Lenka Payneova, Karel tary service, and that "negotiations be
Pecka, Petr Placák, Drahuse Probostová, Lenka Prochazková, Tomas begun on the withdrawal of Soviet troops
Pstross, Milos Rejchrt, Jan Ruml, Jirí Ruml, Jan Schneider, Anton Selecky, from Cechoslovakia", which contribute
"to the imbalence of conventional forces in
Jirí Skalicky, Dusan Slávik, Karel Srp, Andrej Stankovic, Jan Sabata, Jaroslav Sabata, Frantisek Samalík, Dolores Savrdová, Jaroslav Sebesta,
Europe" ]
Milan Simecka, Jan Simsa, Jan Stern, Olga Sulcová, Jáchym Topol, Jan
Trefulka, Jakub Trojan, Vladimir Turek, Miroslav Tyl, Milan Uhde, Jitka
Natlonal Identity
11 Erech stovai ts al le derat
Uhdeová, Václav Umlauf, Zdenek Urbánek, Eduard Vacek, Ludvík Vaculík,
Eva Vidlárová, Tomás Vlasák, Josef Vohryzek, Alexandr Vondra, Josef
Cechoslovakia is a federal state, and that it is necessary to be particularly attentive in respect of minorities rights./
Zukalová. *
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democracy in our country. * 21 April 3, 1989 • #159 International Viewpoint
CZECHOSLOVAKIA
Democracy for some
A critique of the HOS tions the latter themselves would create to express their interests.
In the political sphere, they did not come out against representative democracy, but they called for introducing mechanisms of direct democracy from the beginning, and not only in the sphere of production but
Manifesto also in all areas of social life. Such mechanisms would not be very important at the outset, and would only complement the democratic representative system (a parlia-
"I MIGHT characterize the HOS Manifesto, sine ira et studio [dispassionately], as a sort of amalgam including and promising almost everything, and therefore diffuse ment, elected bodies). But they would grow stronger over years, over decades, perhaps over generations, and would progressively limit the manipulation of some by others. Underestimation of human nature and capacities therefore in mine as well." 1 PETR UHL N THE INTRODUCTION to the HOS Manifesto, I read that this movement
"unites people who care about the future of our homeland. People who are prepared, in respect for pluralism, for an open discussion of all the political problems and who have decided to get involved directly in the political struggle...." That all applies to me, no one has ever doubted it. So, let us see how the authors of the Manifesto themselves respect the principle of pluralism.
In 1968-69, when all the critics and opponents of bureaucratic centralism and Stalinism expressed themselves relatively freely, there was a rather broad spectrum of opinion about how a society freeing itself from a dogmatic straitjacket and bureaucratic domination should evolve.
At one extreme of this spectrum were the champions of technocratic conceptions (essentially undemocratic ones in my opinion), who were fighting for a society of production, responsibility and discipline. They put competence to the fore, advocated that specialists rule, or at least have greater influence. Their slogan was against leveling," and they were against it also in the regulations.
Champions of self-management
At the other end of this spectrum were the champions of self-management at the level of the society as a whole. They wanted the producers themselves to make the decisions or participate in the decisions concerning the means of production and working conditions. In this camp, various anti-authoritarian positions developed, with a critique of of the capitalist mode of 22 production and bourgeois democracy and an attempt to understand the problems of International Viewpoint #160 • April 3, 1989 the third world.
The two camps agreed more or less on the need for re-establishing market relations. For the technocrats this was a clear and welcome imperative. For the supporters of self-management, it was a problematic perspective, calling for development of effective compensatory mechanisms at the social level. Technocrats for a system of indirect democracy
In discussions on the political system, or rather on the structure of the government, the technocrats came out for a system of representation, for indirect democracy. In accordance with the maturity of their political conceptions, or rather the tactics they chose, they advocated the existence of several political parties or at least several currents or tendencies within the Czechoslovak Communist Party. This was the celebrated "opposition" line formulated in the Czechoslovak CP's April 1968 Action
Groupings were to rule alone or in coalition and be accountable to the parliament (and not directly to the workers). There was to be public supervision, a free press and so on. The technocrats accepted the possibility, and sometimes the usefulness need for, an management that would reflect the interests of the workers in the enterprises. But this was not to affect the operational management or medium-term management of enterprises, which were to be given over to specialists.
The opponents of economic management and a multi-party parliamentary system wanted to bring economic power down not only to the level of the managerial teams but to that of the workers and the organiza-
This evolution toward communist ideals obviously did not depend so much on the faith people would have in a doctrine that in itself would offer "salvation," but on the overall social situation and its dynamic, especially in the economic sphere (the elimination of want, increased leisure time and culture (education, a choice of values, especially for the rising generations).
There was a lot of discussion. I still hear the reservations expressed about utopias, reservations owing to a lack of courage and an underestimation of human nature and capacities, which is a common feature of Stalinism, subsequent totalitarian currents and of technocratic conceptions.
However, as often in Bohemia, the extremes were not represented. We did not have anarchists championing an egalitarian and libertarian society (we still do not, unlike Poland). We did not have technocrats who wanted to halt, at least for a time, democratic mechanisms (parliament and parties) and suspend barely won democratic freedoms. The two camps were not even very well defined. Most of the opponents of bureaucratic domination took up an intermediate position between the two points of view that I have separated out for didactic purposes.
This was also reflected in the documents of the time, for example, in the proposed law on enterprises, in the positions of the trade unions.
Nonetheless, the two tendencies described — the self-management tendency, which stressed the development of direct democracy; and the technocratic tendency, which was not prepared to go any 1. The introduction to this article (which is published here in an abridged form) notes that the HOS signatories were called in by State Security for questioning about their writings. Petr Uhl was also called in to "testify," and of course refused to do so, because whatever his differences with HOS, "it is clear that champions and opponents of HOS will be in the same boat until the fall of the bureaucratic dictatorship that tramples on the rights of the entire Czechoslovak people." 2. A document adopted officially by the Central Committee that provided the framework for the Fourteenth Party Congress scheduled for August 1968. While making concessions to the democratic movement that was developing, it maintained the essential aspects of the system, including the leading role of the Party.
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further than indirect democracy — did really exist in Czechoslovakia in the 1960s. The authors and signatories of the HOS Manifesto cannot be unaware of this. Several of them were avowed supporters of self-management for the society as a
If today they act as if the only possibility were indirect democracy, and this is not a lapse of memory but a conscious choice. The Children of Bohemia want a king.3 HOS can work for indirect democracy. That is in the order of things. But it would have to wipe out the ideas that were not only theoretically formulated in 1968 but also concretely implemented in the student movement, in other youth organizations, in a part of the trade-union movement, and in production itself, if in an embryonic way. In the sphere of culture in particular, everywhere a tendency toward direct democracy appeared. Pressure groups, sometimes effective ones, were formed. The rights of the active minority relative to the uncommitted majority were discussed.
Manifesto has nothing to do with socialism
However, in the Manifesto, the principle of direct democracy is mentioned only once. That is where the call is raised for referendums to decide some very important questions affecting the whole of society. The "self-evident" aspect of the formulations about the political system shows that the authors of the document did not doubt for an instant that there was no alternative to a parliamentary system of parties contending for power in elections (see section 3, paragraph 6). This is despite the fact that it says at the beginning that "We do not know yet how our country will set out toward democracy and what forms such democracy will take in the future."
The worst thing, clearly, is that in deliberately putting the idea of self-management of the entire society out of their minds, as well as the idea of progressive development of direct democracy, the authors say unperturbedly in the introduction there is there is plenty of room in HOS for all those who respect the principle of pluralism.