Growing
struggle
in West
German CP
THE NINTH CONGRESS of the German Communist Party (Deutsche Kommunistische Partei - DKP) took place on January 14/15, 1989, marking a significant watershed in the history of the West German communist party. The developments and discussions have broadened in the period since the conference.
A radically anti-Stalinist minority, the "Renewers", are planning a broad conference for this autumn involving non-DKP forces. The DKP leadership has responded by denouncing the minority for organizing a party within the party, while minority supporters have been removed from leading bodies. DKP-associated organizations for young workers (SDAJ) and students (MSB), strongholds of the minority, are in the grip of a real crisis of identity and are facing splits.
The sharpening crisis of the DKP offers increasing opportunities for joint work and dialogue between a large part of this party and revolutionary socialists.
13 MANUEL KELLNER July 31, 1989 • #168 International Viewpoint
WEST GERMANY
HE DKP is one of the small West European communist parties. Its limited influence may lead people to think that it is politically unimportant. Yet the DKP has been and remains the strongest force in West Germany laying claim to a class-struggle programme and Marxism. Its weaknesses and problems cannot be separated from those of the workers' movement and the left in both West and East Germany. A short historical survey is needed to put present developments in context.
CP demands "anti-fascist democracy" after the war
Among the ruins of Hitler's defeated fascist regime and of German imperialism in the Second World War, the only possible perspective that the new or reemerging parties could inscribe on their banners was that of socialism.
There could be no dispute that big capital had helped Hitler seize power or that there was a connection between capitalism, capitalist crisis and Nazism. Not only the Socialist Party (SPD) in the Western zone but even the Christian Democracy (CDU) in its Programme"
demanded socialism — however spuriously.
The only party that called for anything else was the German Communist Party
(KPD). They demanded an anti-fascist democracy. Even so, this formula meant one thing in the Soviet-occupied zone, out of which emerged the German Democratic Republic (DDR - East Germany) and another in the Western Zone.
In the Soviet zone, the power of the Red
Army's bayonets ensured the transformation of the conomic system on Soviet lines. Here the KPD's slogans might seem like clever propaganda. In the Western zones, on the other hand, power lay with the Western allies, and the KPD was an opposition party. Here its solution of an anti-fascist democracy meant dropping an alternative, anti-capitalist
(which was off the agenda for the foresee-
But this correct political evaluation of the KPD's programme after 1945 should not be allowed to obscure the fact that this party put up a courageous opposition.
Most of the political questions around which it fought were directly tied to the interests of the state and party leaderships in the DDR and the Soviet Union, but this does not change the progressive nature of the demands. Here we should especially recall the KPD's campaigns against rearmament, against the militarization of the new West German imperialism, against the formation of the Bundeswer West German army] and the central role of the
KPD in the movement against the atomic bomb.
For a long period of time - in reality 14 bourgeoisie considered the communis up to the present day - the West German International Viewpoint #168 1 July 31, 1989 party to be its main enemy. In 1956 the KPD was banned, and Marxism and communism were declared to be "unconstitutional". This prohibition has never been rescinded. It should not be forgotten that many members of the now illegal KPD were prepared to go to prison for their beliefs. Moreover after 1968, the majority of victims of the Berufsverbot were members of the DKP, the party's legal
The founding of the legal DKP in 1968 was in strict organizational and political continuity with the old illegal KPD. It was necessary, however, to present the new party in such a way as to avoid it being illegal. Instead of "Marxism-Leninism" there were "the ideas of Marx, Engels and Lenin". The strategic perspectives of the party were in the tradition of the neo-Menshevist, Stalinist stages theory. Before it was impossible to think about socialism, it was necessary to fight for an "anti-monopoly democracy". The foundation of the legal party was made possible by the new political relationship of forces created by the youth radicalization. Many of the new members came from the radical student milieu, making up a significant part of its reformist wing.
The DKP had at its disposal many members who, as representatives, negotiators and factory councillors in the workplaces and unions, managed to win it a basis of personal support and recognition. It is symptomatic that they rarely opposed the social-democratic leadership of the unions, and indeed often protected them from criticism from the left.
Strong ideological and material links with GDR
A basic characteristic of the DKP has always been its strong ideological and material connections with the party and state leaderships in the GDR (and hence in the Soviet Union). West German anti-communism could always draw strength from the lack of attraction of so-called "actually-existing socialism", referring especially to the absence of democratic freedoms. The social gains would not count for much as a counter argument, given a situation in the West marked by an economic boom and constantly rising living standards for wage earners.
The small membership and especially the derisory electoral appeal of the DKP have been due above all to its identificaso-called socialism. Another factor, however, and one perceived by fewer people, is the DKP's lack of a credible strategic alternative to that of the social democrats, either at the general level or in trade union struggles. Even so, its organizational capacities and its influence in the mass movements - most recently the peace movement - have always been much greater than its electoral influence.
At the ninth DKP congress in January this year the party leadership came up with a membership figure of 47,000. This means an officially admitted loss of 10,000 members since May
1986. According to is 38,000. The only a part of are active and declining. A aspect - and is that 43.7% of the membership are women, which is explained perhaps to some extent by the fact that work in the neighbourhoods offers the DKP favourable conditions for involving women politically. Apart from the loss of members, the continuation of sharp controversies and development of an oppositional minority in the party and the party leadership are clear signs of the crisis of the previous conceptions of the party and of its policy and, to an extent, of its programmatic identity.
Before the congress two controversial documents on the "situation in the party" were submitted to the leadership. The majority of the leadership is trying to respond to the crisis under the slogan Bewahren und erneuern ["Preserve and Renew"]. They promise more internal democracy, increased openness to "new questions" and the development of a more attractive political profile. The minority does not talk about preserving, only of renewal. Their priority is internal democracy, but in a more radical form than the majority of the leadership is ready to con-
They demand a radical break with the Stalinist past, and a merciless accounting for the history of the Stalinist
Both these controversial papers were published for the membership and anyone interested, while the whole controversy is being conducted in the press bulletin, MitgliederInformationen ["Information for Members"].This is in itself a revolution for the DKP compared to past practice! Previously it was not possible to "deviate" from the views of the leadership - whether 1. Berufsverbot: laws preventing "enemies of the constitution" from holding allegedly sensitive jobs (for
internally or publicly -without running the risk of expulsion or other forms of discipline. By way of a strategic perspective, the leadership produced a common project — DKP "West
Germany 2000— Proposals of the DKP for a peace and reform alternative for the 1990s". A document, which is currently undergoing a process of detailed amendment, is the emphasis on "global questions of humanily", to which the class struggle and the socialist perspective must be subordinated. (This is what it amounts to, even if many describe the relations between questions of humanity and class questions in a more complicated way.) These questions of humanity are, in the first place, world peace, the struggle against destruction of the environment and against world hunger. The analysis takes as its starting point a new "revolutionary period" in which all these questions are posed anew and in a very sharp form. It is claimed that it is possible to solve these questions of humanity together with a section of the imperialist monopoly capitalists since this part has an objective interest in the solution of these all-human questions.
The renewers are not opposed to this "radicalization" of reformism and stages theory - quite the opposite. They — or at least the majority of their previously wellspokespersons strengthen and expand this orientation.
However it was clear at the Ninth Congress that this tendency is connected with the previous dogmatic responses of the DKP on many questions. Thus, for examplo, until recently "socialist" nuclear power plants were considered "good" nuclear power plants. It took Chernobyl to change the DKP's position. General opposition to nuclear power was adopted by the DKP for the first time at the Ninth Congress.
Gorbachev and the new situation in the USSR are, of course, a crucial factor in the crisis and debates in the DKP. Previously everything in the "socialist camp" was praised and defended against any criticism, whether from the bourgeoisie or the left. Criticism of so-called socialism was always dismissed as slander. Then suddenly along comes the leadership of the glorious USSR and proves the critics right! Even more, they reveal a state of affairs far worse than many of the outside critics had described. They also call into question an important part of the official account of the party's history.
Furthermore the hopes of many members who joined after 1968 have been disappointed. The power of the monopolies has not been pushed back, the influence of the party has not grown, the Green Party has by far surpassed the DKP in the role of an established radical-democratic opposition in Parliament, the new radicalizations of the youth have bypassed the DKP-related organizations. It would have been surprising if there had not been a
The DKP opposition is held together by the issue of internal democracy. Any discussion of fundamental would produce a differentiation. The new climate of discussion and the new readiness to work with others, including with forces to the left of the DKP, are positive
Women in the party — as was also apparent at the Ninth Congress - are struggling for more influence and for feminist ideas and aims to become established in the DKP. The congress decided that women should fill elected posts in proportion to their percentage of the membership. The women want to go further and establish a quota of 50% -which is by no means unrealistic.
Only a small minority in the DKP want to change the policy in a leftward direction, putting forward a more clearly anticapitalist profile together with democracy and a more attractive vision socialism. Nonetheless this small minority exists and, if collaboration with the renewers and other critical forces from the majority is important for revolutionary socialists, the possibility for political dialogue with the small left-oriented minority is naturally of greater signifi-
Who is the mountain and who the prophet?
The Marburg professor and DKP leftist Georg Fuelberth is one of this small minority. He intended to make a speech to the Ninth Congress that he was not able to deliver for reasons of time. But Sozialistische Zeitung [paper of the United Socialist Party - VSP] put its pages at his disposal. His contribution begins: "Communist parties are never complete. The Bolshevik Party existed in Russia from 1903 onwards. In February 1917 it had 24,000 members. It grew tenfold in a
"But it was only in July 1917 that it carried through a fusion with an important group of outstanding revolutionaries, the Mezhrayonka organization of Anatoly
WEST GERMANY Lunacharsky, Vladimir Antonov-Ovseyenko Trotsky. Unlike then, it has not been easy for a long time to decide who is the mountain and who the prophet ourselves or other leftists."
At the end of his presentation Fuelberth criticizes the renewers, whose struggle more party democracy and for a democratic model of socialism he supports. He criticizes them for their lack of anti-capitalism and for their illusions in a wing of the monopoly bourgeoisie. Nonetheless he does not seem to see the programmatic continuities between these theories and the classical Stalinist stages theory. Even so, the quoted passages clearly show possibilities for A "Socialist Congress" is on the cards
Meanwhile, Fuelberth has taken part in a meeting of the "radical left" organizations such as the formerly semiMaoist Kommunistischer Bund (Communist League) and the VSP, as well as left Greens such as Ebermann and Ditfurth, who are critical of the Greens' adaptation to parliamentarism, agreed on a further meeting and "Socialist Congress", overreaching organizational boundaries, is on the cards.
The DKP officially invited a small revolutionary socialist organization, VSP, to its Ninth Congress. This would not have been possible before. We were thus able to see for ourselves the growing self-confidence of the DKP members, as well as the determination of about a third of the 650 delegates (the opposition is even stronger in the party's ranks) to carry the process of questioning further, in particular as regards the reappraisal of
In many towns the VSP works closely today with the DKP in the workplaces and the environmental movement. Joint discussion meetings have been held on the question of socialism and the unity of
Most DKP bookshops now carry every kind of leftist literature especially if it is critical of Stalinism, as well as specifically Trotskyist literature, such as the Red
----- panel printed with this article -----
Book about the Moscow Trials by Leon Sedov recently published by ISP-Verlag. In Stuttgart, things have even reached the stage of an alliance at the local level in which left Greens, the DKP, the VSP and others are endeavoring to work out a com- mon platform for elections and action. All of this is new, positive, and for any- one who has a clear memory of the 1970s, rather sensational. But it should not be forgotten that many DKP members have dropped out or resigned, and that the majority of those who remain face a deci- sive question: that of the revolutionary 15 perspective. H July 31, 1989 1 #168 International Viewpoint
a Marxist party and are now set to turn the screw still further through a so-called Manifesto for New Times.
"New Times" is the leitmotif of the CPGB: the unifying theme of a radical revision of the party's analysis of contemporary British society. While a detailed evaluation of this analysis is outside the scope of this article, it is only possible to understand the CPB's response to Gorbachev in the context of its own political evolution, which New Times best encap sulates. This is summarized in two discussion documents recently issued by the party — Facing Up to the Future (Marxwith old politics ism Today, September 1988); and Manifesto for New Times, published in June this year.
AS THE Soviet people went to the polls on April 2, and Mikhail
Gorbachev prepared to visit Britain, one of his most ardent supporters in the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB)
pronounced the international communist movement dead.
Martin Jacques, a member of the CPGB's political committee and editor of its monthly journal Marxism Today, wrote an extraordinary article in the Sunday Times entitled
"Eurocommunism goes into decline". In it, he presented a brief summary of the fortunes of West European communism since the heady days of the mid-1970s when, according to him, "the communist parties of Italy, France and even Spain seemed on the verge of power".
MICK ARCHER
NE REASON for the failure of the Eurocommunist experiment, Jacques argued, was the divisions which beset many of the parties that embarked on this course:
Eurocommunism proved too
"For most, big a break with the past; the price was division and fragmentation". More fundamentally, he continued, Eurocommunism provoked a crisis of identity for these parties: "They no longer believed in violent revolution. They believed in a gradualist, parliamentary road to socialism. So what made them particularly distinct from common or garden socialist parties?
Eurocommunism was nothing less than a challenge to the historic division in the
European left brought about in the wake of the Russian revolution" (sic).
For these partics, the arrival of Gorbachev was an extraordinary moment,
Jacques explained, which both confirmed many of the criticisms they had made of
Stalinism, dating in many cases back to the events in Hungary in 1956, and at the same time represented a metamorphosis of Eurocommunism itself:
"Gorbachev will not be the salvation of
Western Europe's communist parties. He heralds the end of the old East-West division. His slogan is interdependence.
There will be no