been foremost amongst those raised either by the opposition
For all that the masses chant "Free elecgroups or the masses, and nobody expected that the SED tions now!", the oppositional groups have leadership itself would launch a process which, according to a declared that they are not ready, from a programmatic and organizational point of slightly naive but common viewpoint, had led to the "loss of view, to immediately confront the SED's power" by the Party/State in Poland and Hungary. The Krenz apparatus in elections. This certainly cominitiative was also surprising on another level - the plicates the situation and allows the SED organizations and opposition groups who have been named new margins of manoeuvre and a chance to regain the initiative. According to the as partners in this round table dialogue have not yet even initial declarations of representatives of the opposition currents, the round table would have the task of elaborating a new provisional constitution, or of provisionally amending the current one (even Krenz has spoken of this, above all removing the paragraph fixing the "leading role" of the "Party of the working class".
Urgent need for legalization of opposition
It must also formulate an electoral law and establish the material conditions for elections (possibilities for publication, means of information and organization etc.). Needless to say, the legalization of the opposition groups is an urgent theme
— it would in any case be an unprecedented absurdity for the regime to sit down at the same table as people representing
"illegal" organizations. Autumn 1990 is the date most commonly given for the holding of free elections.
However, the demonstrations and other autonomous mass activities seem to have lost some of their impetus. Of course, things are far from over, and embryonic independent trade unions have been formed here and there, but there has been no significant emergence so far of workers' self-organization in the enterprises. If this does not change, the discussions of those forces that are clearly on the left and are struggling for socialist democracy — organized primarily, it seems, in the United Left-who are opposed both to the generalization of market mechanisms and the adoption of a political system of the bourgeois parliamentary type, will remain very theoretical. It is impossible to transfer power to councils which do not exist. But it is necessary to propagandize for the idea and to stimulate rank and file selforganization which can go in this direction. The motivation for this is clear — the force of the popular mobilization can quickly exhaust itself and, if the masses do not want to be manipulated once again by political apparatuses claiming to represent them, they must form their own organizations with representatives elected by the rank and file and subject to recall at
Honecker signed order for armed intervention
The SED leadership is beginning to bow before the demand that the dignitaries of the old regime be punished. Even Honecker is going to be indicted, above all for having signed an order for armed intervention against the demonstrators in Leipzig on October 9. But this manoeuvre been legalized. MANUEL KELLNER too is very transparent. The role of Krenz in this affair is very dubious — contrary to his claims, he does not seem to have opposed Honecker's orders. All the same, it is going to be very difficult for the majority of SED leaders today to pass judgment on the grotesque abuses of power and privilege now coming to light, without risking their own necks. Meanwhile, the economic pressure is becoming dramatic.
Speculation and unequal exchange
The indebtedness of the state is much deeper than the old regime had admitted. Enormous sums of East German marks are illegally bought, at a ratio going from one to twenty, to buy subsidized products at very low prices in the GDR and resell them at a very much higher price in West Germany. The government of the GDR has taken measures against this, reinforcing frontier controls and decreeing that it will be necessary for citizens to show their East German identity cards to buy the subsidized products. But this is only one of 7
"We are a grouping of
International Viewpoint #75 • December 11, 1989 ernment has, like any third world country left opposition subjected to similar pressures, refused to vote for the United Nations resolution condemning West Germany for having allowed its firms to co-operate with the racist South African regime and providing it, for example, with plans for the construction of submarines....
Well-supplied ghetto of the bureaucrats
"It is good to be part of the dominant class" — so goes a well known witticism of Erich Honecker. It is true that the ghetto of the higher dignitaries of the workers' and peasants' state at Wandlitz (a quarter of Berlin surrounded by a wall), called "Bonzograd" by an ungrateful people, was not only well furnished but also well provided with champagne, caviar, foie gras etc. But the good life of the bureaucrats, unlike that of the capitalists, takes place behind closed doors, and it is not integrated into an ideology which renders it legitimate in the eyes of the masses. Thus, the questioning of the privileges, the fear of losing them and of being fingered has troubled the souls of a considerable number of members of the parasite class. A whole series of suicides began from the moment when Krenz exchanged his villa (with twelve bedrooms, three bathrooms and a sauna) for more modest accommodation. They killed themselves with revolvers, possession of such being amongst their bureaucratic privileges. Now this is over - the government has quickly stepped in to confiscate the revolvers. There is no longer a problem of suicides, for one of the problems of the bureaucratic psychology is precisely a lack of imagination and a sense of innovation. * forces"
ANDRÉ SACHADAE is a full-time worker in Leipzig for the East German opposition movement New Forum (see IV 173). The views expressed are largely his own, since New Forum (NFm) has a policy of collectively discussing any statement. issued from the organization as such. The interview was carried out on November 21, 1989 by Rebecca Flemming.
O BEGIN, could you tell me how the NFm was set up? IN August about 50 people came together, and for the first time something concrete was produced - the document "Departure 89". This was distributed widely to try and found an organization to give a voice to opposition to the current regime and expose the many problems in the GDR. The main aim and basic concept of the group was to provide the opposition with a voice and bring people together. • There are many different views within the NFm, but you manage to work together.
Yes, but only within certain boundaries. We are trying, particularly after the latest events and the opening of politics, to create our own style and distinguish ourselves from other groups. Especially from certain tendencies which might hint at a Republican [right-wing nationalist] character and the groups supporting reunification, which is not positive. In the last demonstration I sensed a certain degree of nationalism which worries me greatly because I have been involved in studying and thinking about fascism. I think the problem is that certain parts of the population who go through the antifascism course at school, link this with the SED (Communist party) ideology and when they reject the SED, they reject this anti-fascism also. This is a great danger, although it has not clearly expressed itself yet. It doesn't mean that there are fascist tendencies, but I see possible beginnings. • How is the NFm structured? Does it have regular meetings?
Naturally, with an organization that is only three months old, the structures are still being developed. We are busy building the structures at the moment and working on our political programme. We are trying to do programmatic work and react immediately to current events. But it is quite hard work to inform the public about what is going on because all the copying and publishing has to be done on a private basis. Of course, lots of different people have home computers and can produce up to 200 copies each for NFm. The copies are given to the information bureau here. The structure is designed so that basic groups exist, or are being founded in all the cities, regions or boroughs. In addition to this, groups get together in the workplace, linking in with the coordination bureau of the NFm. • Is the NFm a national organization?
I can't imagine any other way of building a structure. NFm Leipzig, however, works quite independently. But it is, of course, in contact with Berlin, we receive materials and so on. We are basically trying to develop our own programme, to formulate the wishes of the people and react to the current deplorable state of affairs in Leipzig, and of course, nationwide. • Do you have links with other opposition movements in Eastern Europe, for example Czechoslovakia?
At the moment the situation in Czechoslovakia is very tense. We have private contacts which have been built up over a couple of years and can now be made pub• What are the main demands of the NFm?
The main demands, which were formulated three weeks ago are:
— The separation of the legal and political systems.
- The re-introduction of referenda, as guaranteed in the GDR constitution of
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EAST GERMANY the problems. The government expects massive aid from both the state and pri- vate capital in West Germany, but the lat- ter will impose more and more difficult conditions in return. In response to pres- sure from West Germany, the GDR gov-
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- The immediate release and rehabilitation of all political prisoners.
The official recognition of the NFDm, including the provision of premises adequate for an information centre.
— Support for the activities of the NFm, or at least no restriction on them.
- Freedom of the press. That means an undistorted and uncensored press presentation of the NFm demands in all existing media. There have been some examples in the local Leipzig paper, the wrongly named Leipziger Volkszeitung (Leipzig People's Paper) of cleverly discrediting the NFm with half truths and highly selective reporting of one of our press conferences and so on.
- Free elections. That means that we want election laws which guarantee free and secret elections. In these elections it should be possible to vote for particular individuals, parties or organizations. Also recognition of the NFm as a candidate for
These are some of the basic demands. • In the West there has been much talk of German re-unification. What is the NFm's position on this ques-
The present leadership of the NFm thinks that the NFm should publicly oppose re-unification, at least in the immediate sense. The current leadership is composed of the people who originally founded NFm and elections will be held soon, but I think that they reflect the views of the base. We do not want to become the cheap labour market of the FRG. involved in the NFm and is it taking up any feminist Unfortunately the composed of eight very bad. But the women's group of the NFm is developing and publishdemands and movement in the small, but very • It seems that the opposition is strongest in Leipzig. Why is
Leipzig was the starting point for all the demonstrations for organizational reasons. In Leipzig there has been months, even years, regular Monday meetings in a church. This was after the Peace Prayer people tried to organize. This has been suppressed for years. In respect of the situation three months ago, there was such a massive increase in discontent that demonstrations happened spontaneously. The NFm developed parallel to this, in Berlin, Leipzig and other districts. For a month the NFm have been the spokespeople for the broad masses and it must stay that way. But in my opinion some of the broad masses are beginning to go down a dangerous path -towards re-unification — without realizing where it will ultimately lead them. In this you cannot say that the NFm is supporting the views of the broad masses. But we affirm that we want to hold the people responsible for the current deplorable state of affairs to account. Naturally, we stand for a new democratic structure and strive to build, as a whole society, a new and better way of life. This is very idealistic. And it is very idealistic to state that neither the GDR nor the FRG can be taken as a model for this in their current situations. There should be a third possibility, another way. It is worth working • What does the future hold for the GDR? How do you think the situation will develop?
The leading role of the SED is no longer controversial. It simply needs to be abol-
EAST GERMANY ished. Of course, there will be elections and it should be clear that the SED will have to wave goodbye to its leading role and possibly lose it to a coalition of groups currently in opposition which will become parties for the elections. • Will the NFm stand in these elections and on what programme?
Yes to the first question. Our programme is still in its early stages. We are working on it and a first draft will be ready on Wednesday this week November 22). You will be able to get it in Leipzig in the usual way. • And after the elections, what direction do you think that a coalition of opposition groups would take the GDR in?
Until now a complex market economy has been spoken about so it is not really clear. Of course, there is the possibility of investment by West German companies....But we shall have to see. • And is the NFm in favour of a market economy or not?
Not for a free market in the sense that we can be bought up by the West. We don't want to sell ourselves or be sold. Because we massively value the minority groups and the less well off. It must not happen like in Hungary, where nobody is talking about these groups. • The big question in the West is whether the GDR will move towards capitalism or not. What do you think about this?
This is also a big question for me. I am very worried because there are points in our existing socialism which we must hold onto. • Some groups that are fighting for socialism in Western Europe would say that GDR socialism has not been real socialism. What would you say about that perspective?
I say this: capitalism has had 300 years to develop while socialism is in the dock after only 80 years, which is not fair. I think it is very, very necessary and it is bound to happen that socialism is going to regain its reputation. At a moment what currently calls itself socialism in the GDR is under threat and a re-development is taking place. It is difficult to build this new, shining socialism in the GDR because there are plainly massive economic problems. • And finally, what should socialists in the West be doing in solidarity with the movement in the GDR?
What we are trying to do is put the socialist house in order, point it in the right directions. In your countries you should be doing this too and do all you can to fight conservative euphoria. *
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"There should be a conference of workers' delegates"
HERBERT Misslitz is a member of the Group of Democratic
Socialists, which in September last year helped organize a demonstration in East Berlin against the World Bank, at the same time as the massive anti-IMF demonstrations in West
Berlin. About 1000 people attended the demonstration. He is a skilled plasterer and is on the group of spokespeople for the