The Costa Rica statement should be
THE PRESIDENTS of the five central American countries met
December 10-12 in San Isidro de Coronado. The result of this summit was made public in a statement signed by the chief executives of Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua. In effect, it benefited the government of the
Salvadoran president, Cristiani, and the death squads. What surprised everybody is that Daniel Ortega, president of
Nicaragua, supported such a statement, which does not offer any realizable solution to the war that has been going on for
December 25, 1989 • #176 International Viewpoint rejected ten years in El Salvador. ALFONSO MORO
T HERE IS NO DOUBT that the
Nicaraguan government's support for the San Isidro de Coronado statement is a step backward in comparison to the policy that it has followed up till now. Still worse, it is clear that Managua's backing for this accord is beginning to be used by the death squads' government in an attempt to deny the legitimacy of the struggle waged by the compañeros of the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN). Cristiani severs relations with
Nicaragua
As will be remembered, Cristiani decided unilaterally to break off political relations between his government and Nicaragua; and only days before the start of the meeting in Costa Rica, President Ortega himself clearly put his finger on the sore point, saying: "The Cristiani government is a façade for an armed force that is also killing Nicaraguan people. It is time to speak out clearly. All the world's governments should break off relations with this government of mass murder and forget about diplomatic language."
Unfortunately, over and above the diplomatic game that has unavoidably to be played in a situation as complicated as the one today in Central America, the San Isidro statement says the following: "The presidents [including Ortega] expressed their determined support for the president of El Salvador...and his government as a faithful demonstration of their unalterable policy of supporting governments that are the product of democratic and pluralistic processes with popular involvement."
This decision will have a high political cost, inasmuch as it complicates international solidarity with the compañeros of the FMLN. In fact, the statement goes on to say: "the presidents.reiterate their urgent call on the FMLN to cease hostilities immediately...Likewise, they insistently appeal to the FMLN to publicly renounce any type of violent activity that directly or indirectly affects the civilian population."
These words suggest that the FMLN is responsible for the war, responsible for the hostilities and resistant to any negotiation. It is precisely the contrary that is true. Cristiani is the one responsible for the war, which has been escalated to undreamed-of levels. He has clearly not been seeking a political agreement but the FMLN's unconditional surrender.
### Perestroika affects
Nicaraguan government
In our opinion, this change in the Nicaraguan goverment's attitude represents a political miscalculation. We do not think by any means that the revolutionary leadership of Nicaragua intends to sell out the revolution in El Salvador. However, to put your bets on a projection that what is best for Nicaragua from now until the February elections is not the extension of the revolution but, at best, an impasse in El Salvador, is to get caught up in the game that Bush and Gorbachev have been trying for a good while to impose. It seems that the the worst aspect of perestroika has crept into the Nicaraguan government through the back door.
In fact, no one can fail to recognize all the pressures that have been put on the Nicaraguan revolution since its triumph
EL SALVADOR in 1979. The US government's support for the Nicaraguan contras and the blocking of all economic aid by most capitalist governments are clear examples of this. But historical experience shows that the only way to overcome imperialist harassment is to extend the revolution. In this area, Nicaragua does not gain anything from the Costa Rica statement; to the contrary, it does Cristiani and the death squads an enormous favor.
Inasmuch as the FMLN's proposals for dialogue continue to get no serious attention from Cristiani, no one can ask them to give up their right to defend the Salvador people and still less ask them to lay down their arms. That would represent a defeat of incalculable consequences. It is even more absurd, after they have demonstrated their political and social base in the majority of the population and proved in prac tice that they are an alternative political force with their own project, to try to compare the FMLN, by calling it an "irregular force," with the Nicaraguan reaction financed by the United States.
Break diplomatic relations with Cristiani
More than ever before, it is necessary to demand that all governments recognize the FMLN as a belligerent force, and in fact break diplomatic relations with the Cristiani government as long as it continues to slaughter the population, fails to clear up the political assassinations and keeps US military advisors in the country.
As the FMLN General Command has pointed out, no mere agreement among governments is going to help to solve the regional crisis in Central America and still less the war in El Salvador. In order to accomplish that, to guarantee a real agreement favorable to the interests of this brother country, it is necessary to redouble all the solidarity actions with the Salvadoran revolution, to show that Cristiani, the high command of the Salvadoran army and the US government have no interest in ready this confich That is 3 road. *