Political revolution and the reunification of
DEBATE ON GERMANY cial system, one economic structure, one constitution, one legal code.
Such a confederation could combine unity under the control of the Bundesbank, a large private sector in the
### Germany
We publish below two resolutions discussed at the
February/March meeting of the United Secretariat of the Fourth International, a worldwide Trotskyist organization. The first resolution received a majority of votes at the meeting.
beginnings of the establishment of big private companies on GDR territory on the one hand; and, on the other, maintaining a majority public sector in the big enterprises, keeping the armed forces and police independent from those of the FRG, and keeping a separate constitution and legal system and separate state apparatus. This does not exclude that, during this intermediary period, a section of the nomenklatura might try to integrate itself into the bourgeoisie, another section orienting more towards integration into the state
The situation in the apparatus of a unified Germany, while maintaining as far as possible strong positions at local, regional, economic, cultural
GDR and our tasks 1. SINCE the end of October 1989, the GDR has been experiencing the beginning of political revolution. The impetuous rise of the mass movement, of exceptional breadth, has won a large number of victories. Under the impetus of rejection of the repressive regime of the SED and a growing awareness of the waste engendered by bureaucratic management of the economy and the intolerable privileges this involved, the masses mobilized to overthrow the bureaucratic dictatorship. They have shaken it to its
But alongside this remarkable rise in the self-activity of the masses, there was a pronounced delay in selforganization and the precise goals of power that flow from this. There is no revolutionary vanguard, growing political disarray among workers, the product of disenchantment with the despotic SED regime and lack of a credible alternative, and the pronounced delay in realizing substantial reforms in the economic and social fields. To a large extent, the masses identify socialism with Stalinism, whose bankruptcy is visible to the naked which is universally rejected.
In these conditions, the carrying through of the political revolution in the short-term was excluded, and a shift occurred in the attitude of the masses. 2. Like any revolution, the beginnings of political revolution in the GDR posed the question of power, shaking the existing state power to its very foundations. Theoretically there are three possible outcomes to the question of who rules in the GDR:
• The re-establishment of a consolidated rule of the nomenklatura. This would require at least partial repression of the mass movement - for example of the type that resulted from Jaruzelski's coup d'état in Poland — even if the bureaucracy is no longer capable of completely suffocating, not to say crushing, the mass movement. In the current national and international relationships of forces this first outcome is very unlikely.
• The victory of the political revolution by the democratic exercise of political and economic power by the selforganized toiling masses. As already indicated this seems excluded in the
• The restoration of capitalism under the rule of a bourgeois state and by the submission of the economy to the hold of big capital, that is, a social counterrevolution. Given the weakness of the small and medium bourgeoisie, and the lack of a big bourgeoisie in the country, the only real possibility of such a restoration is the absorption of the GDR by the FRG, and the establishment of West German bourgeois rule over the GDR's population, as well as the hold of West German big capitalism over the GDR's economy.
In practice, in the present conditions. the two most likely eventualities are:
• either a restoration of capitalism along the lines indicated.
• or a process of convergence of West and East Germany by stages, arriving at the capitalist unification of Germany (one state, one army, one police force, one economic structure, one legal system, one constitution) only after several years. However this intermediary situation might be defined - confederation; unification by sectors; a partial unification; or a monetary, tariff and trade union — it would be characterized by the absence of a real united state power, that is one army, one police force, one judi-
The duration of this intermediary process could favor the East German work. ing winning political and organizational autonomy, even if by stages. In any case, it would involve specific tasks for revolutionary Marxists and the whole of the socialist left in the GDR, tasks which are not yet on the immediate agenda of the mass struggles in the GDR. It would be characterized by a very large degree of freedom of action for the masses in the GDR, owing to the extreme weakness of the state. 3. The dynamic in the GDR differs from that of the other countries in Eastern Europe.
• Because of the aspiration to German unity in the consciousness of the masses, a result above all of the attraction of the higher living standards in the FRG, of scepticism about the possibility of rapid, progressive, radical social and economic reforms in the GDR, as well as the strength of national feeling which is fed by the wild propaganda of the West German media;
• Because of the weight of the socialist tradition within the working class and intelligentsia, even if is channeled above all through social democracy, whose specificity in relation to the SPD is not yet clarified. The contradiction between these two particularities will probably shape the evolution of the political, economic and social confrontations in the GDR in the months, if not years, to come.
For the time being, the overwhelming political tendency is towards a rapid unification of Germany via the absorption of the GDR by the FRG. The masses tend to give priority to the unification of Germany regardless of its social and economic content. The more the economic crisis worsens, the more the scepticism about the changes taking place is reinforced, the more there is a flood of refugees making the exodus to the FRG and the clearer 23 becomes the risk of total collapse of the
DEBATE ON GERMANY GDR's economy, which is, moreover, promoted by the cynical refusal of the Kohl government to extend economic aid to the GDR.
A capitalist unification of Germany would represent a serious defeat for the working class in the GDR, the FRG and the whole of Europe, through the strengthening of German imperialism that it would mean, at least in the short-term. In addition, the question of the exercise of power by the workers is posed in the GDR; it is not yet posed, either in the short- or medium-term, in the FRG. Nor would it be posed in a capitalist unified
The popular masses of any country have the democratic right to decide themselves to which state they wish to belong. Revolutionary Marxists recognize such a right. But they have the right and duty at the same time to tell the truth to the masses: the absorption of the GDR by FRG, even through a majority vote of the masses, would represent a significant step backwards for the masses themselves, Since it would involve the restoration of capitalism in the GDR, and it should be rejected by any conscious worker or
Later developments would not be slow in showing that the revolutionary Marxists were right. They would broaden their audience within the masses even if they were swimming against the current on this question for a time. 4. In fact, as the transformations that have started in the GDR become clearer and develop, the concrete social and economic questions will move to the forefront of the day-to-day concerns of the masses. They will tend gradually to combine with the question of unification, reducing the exclusive priority which seems to be given to this question today, independently of its concrete content. This would be all the more true if the intermediate period of "confederation", that is unification by stages, were of any length.
These preoccupations notably concern:
• guaranteeing full employment;
• maintaining low rents and social ser-
• maintaining or introducing into the constitution the right to work, the right to education, the right to health-care, housing and legal aid for all;
• the status of real ownership of the big enterprises independently of the abstract discussion on the "social market economy" (that is, slightly reformed capitalism) against "planned economy";
• the extension of democratic rights and powers to the broad masses.
• refusal to restore landed property to
On this basis, the choice of the concrete form and content of unification could lit24 (hat is to say, pace uh a concrete quetin) tle by little replace the abstract question International Viewpoint #181 • March 26, 1990 of unification in general as the political line of divide.
The essential thing, therefore, is to gain time so that the masses can have this experience before the class nature of the German unified state is decided for a prolonged period.
The fight around the points outlined during an intermediary period would also gradually stimulate indeed a political radicalization, in the PRG as well. Little by little, the perspec-
La socialist, unified Germany would take shape.
In these conditions, the fight to defend the sovereign right of the GDR workers to decide their fate in all fields without any foreign interference whatsoever is the immediate priority Fourth International in relation to Germany. This implies the possibility of, in political revolution, even if revolutionary Marxists do not have any illusions about the — very limited - chances of seeing this possibility arrive at its final conclu5. The absorption of the GDR by the FRG in the short-term runs up against some serious obstacles in the FRG itself, obstacles that have been masked only temporarily by the nationalist wave sweeping the country.
• It confronts the bourgeoisie with a difficult choice between priority for consolidating the EEC and priority absorbing the GDR. This choice takes a clear form especially in the monetary field. German capital cannot simultaneously bear the costs of creating a common European money (for which the Bundesbank's exchange reserves would be the main collateral) and of absorbing the GDR, financed in Deutschmarks. Each operation would cost tens of billions of Deutschmarks, and they could not be carried through together. They would moreover stimulate a process of accelerated inflation spreading through capitalist Europe, which could choke off economic expansion through a rise in interest rates, even if the absorption of the GDR and the penetration of West German capital in East Europe in time stimulated the con-
• It is fanning fears among the toiling masses of a downward pressure on wages and employment through the transfer of centers of production to the GDR, as a low-wage area, as well as of an aggravated crisis of social security and public
These fears will be aggravated by the bourgeoisie's attempts to shift the cost of unification onto the backs of the workers. 6. The absorption of the GDR by the FRG in the short run is also running up against serious international obstacles.
The imperialist powers remained divided about this. For US imperialism, the priority is maintaining "detente" USSR. It wants to avoid anything that might provoke hostile reactions in the Kremlin. The later cannot accept a united Germany in NATO, which would involve the possibility of seeing soldiers of the imperialist countries or the Bundeswehr based on the present territory of the GDR, even in the longer term. It cannot either accept any challenging by German revanchists of the frontiers in East Europe that emerged from the second world war, in particular the Polish border and the incorporation of the former East Prussia into the USSR.
In addition would doubtless not look unkindly on a slowing down of the process of consolidating the EEC because of the German unification. The vast majority of the European bourgeoisie, to the contrary, continues to prioritize this consolidation and would consider a rapid unification of Germany as an obstacle on this path.
But for a good part of the European bourgeoisie, the inclusion of a unified Germany in NATO is considered as a necessity, both in order to reduce the risk of the military preponderance of German imperialism and in order to ensure the continuation of an American presence in Europe. The Kohl wing of the German bourgeoisie shares this second
The international context of the "German question" gives a primary importance to all the demands linked to the anti-
• withdrawal of all foreign troops from both Germanies;
• dismantling of both armies and all forces of repression in the two Germanies and the de-militarization of Germany.
• Opposition to possession of nuclear weapons by a united Germany, the signing of a nuclear nonproliferation treaty by a united Germany, elimination of all nuclear weapons from German territory, from France, from Great Britain and from all countries of West and East Europe.
A broad mass movement is already possible on these two themes in both the FRG and the GDR, with broad support in the rest of Europe, indeed in the USSR and the USA. Such mass movements would create additional obstacles on the road to a capitalist reunification of Germany. 7. In addition to this common political task of the anti-capitalist and bureaucratic forces in the GDR, with back-up in the FRG, revolutionary Marxists will seek to get these forces to adopt a series of transitional demands going in the direction of defending the interests and gains of the toiling masses, of increasing democratic freedoms against the current process which is tending to gradually subject these masses to exploitation and control by West German big capital. These demands include notably:
1-47
DEBATE ON GERMANY energy. supplies in the GDR, indispensable for reasons of defending the environment; limiting orientation to the EEC market to the most modern sector of the GDR's economy able to stand up to the competition without endangering jobs; the elaboration of an overall economic plan after a broad, pluralist, public discussion decided in a pluralist and democratic fashion in order to guarantee the socio-economic and political objectives indicated; giving priority in
Unity Germany!
the framework of this plan investments oriented towards improving the disastrous ecological situation in the GDR.
By PETERSON in the Vancouver Sun C&w syndiciti
• The establishment of a right of trade-union veto in the management of enterprises, beginning with the joint ventures that are being set up now, to be exercised by democratically elected representatives of all the workers in every enterprise
• The establishment of a fund to equalize wages between the FRG and the GDR as soon as possible, eliminating any discrimination against women or immigrant
• Measures designed to avert the selling off of national wealth (notably land) to the profit of the bourgeoisie or to layers of the nomenklatura becoming private own-
On these questions, trade unions and workers in the FRG have an obvious in supporting demands of the working-class vanguard in the GDR. A key objective to be obtained is a broad united front on these questions beyond the borders of the two states. They also have a common interest in opposing any attempt by the bosses and wings of the trade-union bureaucracy and the social democrats to downplay the fight for the 35-hour week on the pretext that the immediate unification of Germany takes
These demands must be extended onto the political terrain through the demand for a drastic broadening of democracy:
• Unrestricted multi-partyism and strict proportionality in parliamentary, regional and municipal elections;
• Unrestricted freedom to demonstrate, particularly without the serious restrictions currently in force in the FRG;
• Access to the media for all citizens in line with established numerical criteria, and total independence of the media from state bodies, private owners and professional associations;
• Extension of the range of direct democracy, particularly through the immediate recall of elected representatives; the election of judges and high functionaries; the generalization of jury courts; all men and women to be equal before the law and the availability of free legal representation; the introduction of referenda at popular initiative on the big political, economic and social choices; right of veto for local councils over investments and developments that could threaten the environment; veto right for women's councils in the workplaces over all management decisions that concern women's condition; broad administrative decentralization;
• Total dismantling of the political and state police;
• Drastic extension of democracy in the enterprises; election of management committees by the whole of the personnel; generalization of workers' control; unrestricted trade-union freedom; unlim-
These demands must be backed up by the outline of an economic orientation alternative to that of Kohl and Modrow. This orientation would include notably maintaining economic integration with the Comecon in order to ensure the continuation of full employment in enterprises unable to stand up to competition within the framework of the EEC, while waiting for their modernization; the extension of broad agreements with the countries of the third-world, in particular with a view to ensuring a reconversion of of keeping their mobilizing potential even in the context of a rapid unification. In this case their function would be to protect GDR workers against the short-term negative impact of this unifica-
In the present state of affairs the bulk of the organized workers' movement in the FRG, led by social democracy, completely committed to a policy of consensus with the bourgeoisie, will not support growing echo in the more advanced wing of the working class and in the social movements".
They also have the function of giving a concrete content to the "third model of society", that of democratic and self-managed socialism, opposed both to despotic bureaucratism and the despotism of determination and democratic sovereignty of the masses in all fields.
That provides an important contribution to the fight for the victory of the political
Our political propaganda pivots around the following themes:
• Defence of the mass movement in the GDR, against any bureaucratic or imperialist repression.
• Against any foreign interference in the GDR, for the free, sovereign self-determination of the GDR masses on their political, economic and social fate.
• Against the restoration of capitalism by the absorption of the GDR by the
• For the victory of the political revolution in the GDR, a springboard towards a socialist united Germany!
• For the socialist unification of Ger- 4 25 many! *
The crisis of Stalinism and the German
International Viewpoint #181 • March 26, 1990
DEBATE ON GERMANY
But the strategic choices facing the working class are not between a capitalist reunification and restoration as proposed by Kohl, or a democratic but autarchic within the existing boundaries of the GDR (as proposed by some left forces in East Germany). Not question
The following resolution was supported by a minority of the United
Secretariat of the Fourth International at its February/March F THE present democratic victories of the mass movement in Eastern Europe are not to be destroyed, a programme of political revolution be put forward by revolutionary that goes beyond attempts to "reform" the system. It is necessary to organize independently of the bureaucracy in order to smash its power, and to fight for alternative institutions of power and organization of the masses
The right to self-determination for both sections of the German people and unification must be unconditionally supported. It is not for either Helmut Kohl or Hans Modrow to set conditions. If it is the will of the East German masses — which it clearly is — unification should take place. Elections should be held for Constituent Assemblies to freely and democratically decide on social organization and state institutions. For our part, we will fight for the new united Germany to be socialist, for social and democratic rights to be set at the highest levels, and so on.
The key demands of the political revolution in the immediate situation are:
• Immediate, free elections to a Con-
• Freedom of the media, with free access by all democratic organizations.
• The right of assembly and demonstration, and the right to strike.
• The secret police and all repressive institutions to be disbanded.
• All secret files to be opened.
• For a public trial of all those involved in bureaucratic corruption and crimes against the people.
And in the particular phase now opening up, the following demands are extremely
• For new, independent trade unions.
• For democratic committees in the workplaces and armed forces.
• For workers' control in the offices and factories — open the books. For student control of the colleges. 26 and workers scle-man iament. • For a democratic plan of production
Such an action programme, which combines minimum, democratic and transitional demands, must be tailored to correspond to the situation in each country. However, such a programme of demands is essential for the working class to be able to defend its social gains against privatization and the bourgeoisie's attempts
Propaganda for the reorganization of the army with rank-and-file soldiers' committees is necessary in addition to this action programme. An ideological battle must be waged to explain what a democratically-planned economy actually is, to provide a Marxist critique of capitalist market economies and explain the role of a system of socialist democracy and self-management through workers' councils. These arguments are especially pertinent to the fight against the ecological crisis in Eastern Europe. Demands must also be raised in relation to the doubly oppressed.
The German question
The German question is key to the unfolding struggles in the Europe. East Germany is the most successful and industrialized of the East therefore the most proletarianized. It was inevitable that the political revolution, from the very first day, would be intertwined with the national question - the unification of Germany. determination of the East German people, including the right to unification with West Germany, it is necessary to present a revolutionary Marxist perspective on unification. This means clearly rejecting Kohl's 10-point plan for a phased move to a capitalist federal solution, or other similar pro-capitalist projects that would lead to the incorporation of the GDR into the FRG. We are in favour of unification, but will fight for it to happen on a socialist basis. On the other hand, turning our face against unification, because the Kohl plan dominates the political terrain at present, would only lead to the complete marginal-
The growing democratic demand for German unification is unstoppable. The key political question is which class will realize it — the bourgeoisie or the proletariat? At present, the bourgeoisie holds only does the latter have little support among the masses today, but it will not inspire the workers tomorrow, or build the unity of the whole German working class. Our starting point must be the objective interests of the class as a whole - that is. the unification of Germany and of the German working class — not some "lesser evil" stop-gap.
Clearly, the question of unification has to be placed within a socialist perspective Our programmatic stance is for a United Socialist Germany as a step towards a pan-European socialist unity. What does advancing demands that put the working class onto the offensive on this question, rather than leaving the political terrain open to imperialism - or to sections of the bureaucracy, who will lead the class to defeat and disaster. It means advancing demands that can be taken up by workers in the West as well as in the East, to push forward the task of building a united front of the working class in both Germanies. The demand for a united neutral Germany, outside both the Warsaw Pact and NATO, can be a starting point for an anti-imperialist agenda.
West German capital will only accept reunification on its terms: the defeat and atomization of East German workers and an end to their mobilizations; the creation of a vast pool of cheap labour; the destruction of the extensive welfare system; the destruction and asset-stripping of whole sectors of the GDR's industry; and, finally, keeping a future united Germany as an integral part of the imperialist NATO alliance. However, capitalist penetration is also happening without unification -being against unification is not by itself any guarantee of protecting the social gains of East German workers! Fearing the consequences of a protracted crisis in the GDR and the emergence of a genuine working class solution, the Kohl government has embarked on a policy of destabilization and rapid integration. The speed of this process, including proposals for a single currency this year, is causing rifts within the ruling class and the Atlantic
Various formulas will be up for negotiation. In this situation, our movement must articulate demands that, if taken up by New Forum or the United Left and so on, will begin to push imperialism onto the defensive on the national question. They will also create the conditions for workers in the GDR to defend and extend their social gains in a united way, and at the same time construct a united front with the working class in West Germany.
So, in addition to the action programme
March 26, 1990 • #181 International Viewpoint set out above, in East Germany we should call for:
• The withdrawal of all foreign troops from both Germanies, including Berlin, as a step towards a demilitarized and nuclear-free Europe.
• German withdrawal from all military alliances.
• The equalization of wages up to West German levels, and the harmonization of welfare rights to the most advanced levels across both states.
• The upwards harmonization of abortion rights, maternity and childcare provi-
• The 35-hour week with no loss of pay
• No layoffs. For the expropriation of all capitalist firms creating redundancies.
• The generalization of popular and social forms of democracy - for workplace committees and a system of workers' councils.