Tupamaros consider tide of the women's movement, effective at the level of the votes for the Socialist
Party. Women's voices are becoming heard in the factories and offices. This is a changes in the Soviet contrast with the decline of the trade union movement. The feminist movement is very important for the reconstruction of a militant trade union movement and in the communities. As you know patriarchal traditions are very strong in Japanese society and there are problems between the women and the trade union movement where the leaderships are often not ready to take up women's problems. includes the independent leftist unions and our own organization. • How are you responding to the remilitarization plans of the Japanese ruling class?
The bourgeoisie began to address this issue in the 1970s. It wants to restructure the whole of Japanese society according to the imperial model. Before the Second World War, Japanese militarism took the form of the imperial system and the bourgeoisie was closely linked to the imperial family. After their victory the Americans strength and international scope of the Japanese economy, has seen the revival of the idea of the imperial system as a form of national and international domination. There are once again attempts to create links between the imperial family and the upper social strata via marriages and so on.
The question of the imperial system is today a real issue for the whole left. Unfortunately the majority of the left only noticed this about three years ago. The attempt to rebuild the imperial system has very important implications for the feminist movement, for example, given the system's patriarchal character and without a struggle against the imperial system there can be no solidarity campaign with the immigrant workers or other Asian peoples. They are not in the family! We have to destroy this ideology that the Emperor is the father of the people and all the Japanese his children. • What is the outlook for the Japanese left?
In general the Japanese far left has notbloc
WHAT IMPACT have the changes rocking the USSR and Eastern Europe had on revolutionary currents in Latin America outside the Fourth International? The following is a summary of a long discussion with Eleuterio Fernández Huldobro, editor of Mate Amargo, a publication of the Uruguayan Tupamaros. We have taken it from the January Issue of Tupamaros, another publication of the movement.
N HIS BOOK Perestroika, Gorbasome worldwide problems, such as the existence of nuclear weapons, the development of just as deadly conventional weapons and dangers to the environment. He takes up as well the terrible conditions of hunger and poverty that afflict the majority of humanity. He argues that Von Clausewitz's statement that "war is a continuation of politics by other means" has lost its validity. War, he says is not a continuation of anything because it would wipe out the human race.
With violent confrontation between the two camps ruled out, there remains the economic field. But the environmental question comes in here, because unbridled economic development is causing grave levels of damage to the world.
The essential fact is that he is looking for a new relationship with the imperialist camp, which would involve an elimination of the cold war and détente in the most dangerous focuses of tension, such as Afghanistan, Angola, Kampuchea and the frontier between the two Europes. He is also looking for a relaxation of tensions in Central America.
Some economic factors underlie perestroika and the crisis of many socialist countries. But such problems also afflict the capitalist countries, because an invasion as crude as the Panama operation is a striking expression of the crisis of a system. You have only to look at the Argentine situation, which is the same as throughout the third world; the problem of the debt, which will certainly never be paid; as well as the pushing and shoving between Japan, the United States and the EEC.
### Discoveries not applied owing to bureaucracy
The greater internationalization of economic life and the advance of technology have created a new economic situation. The socialist camp lost ground in the technological race, not because it did not make discoveries but because it did not apply them rapidly, owing to bureaucratic sluggishness.
An economic battle is being waged Gorbachev refers to it, when he says "either we will make this revolution, or we will be left behind." When the USSR gives priority to world peace, there is a problem of tone, or degree that often borders on major errors. This is because this general line, which has undeniable justifications, involves the problems of the third world, the liberation struggles and economic relations.
You cannot remain indifferent to a problem such as the invasion of a rana and 17 say that we are going to have a relaxation April 23, 1990 • #183 International Viewpoint
URUGUAY of tensions, as if the aggressors and their victims were the same. You cannot remain indifferent to the situation of the FMLN in El Salvador, to that of the Sandinistas in Nicaragua. You cannot remain indifferent to the situation of Cuba, which has been isolated and blockaded since time immemorial.
Moreover, when some economic measures begin to sour relations between countries like Cuba and the socialist camp, giving them a character similar to those between the capitalist and the underdeveloped countries, we have to say that this is a tremendous error. If they are starting to renew socialism on such bases, it is a bad start, a setback.
If we criticize the rich countries of the capitalist world for their exploitation of the poor, we have to do the same when a socialist country establishes relations of this type. Those advancing the cause of their liberation ought to get a helping hand of solidarity, even though this has nothing to do with the laws of the market.
### Imperlalists seek new excuses for interventions
The cold war is ending, and with it many of the ideological concoctions of the capitalist theorists. They are going to have to renovate their theories in order to justify their imperialist activity. To invade Panama, the United States could not resort to tales of communism, as it did when it invaded Guatemala. talks about drug traffic and democracy. The National Security Doctrine is beginning to be undermined.
There are going to be major ideological repercussions in the old Communist parties. Perhaps their relations with other sections of the left will change, because many ideological dividing lines are beginning to disappear. Or perhaps others will appear that have to do with current prob-
In the short run, a setback may occur, a revitalization of social democratic ideas, of hopes in reformism, considering the latter to be a real strategy. But in the medium and long term, practice will take care of showing that a new society cannot be built through petty reforms, that this is an illusion.
Referring to what is happening in the East European countries, the social democrats say that Marxism-Leninism is the longest road to capitalism. As for the 18 headed for socialism. But have they done social democrats, they claimed to he International Viewpoint #183 • April 23, 1990 this, or simply dressed up capitalism? The social democrats see perestroika as a danger because it steals their clothes in many areas.
In particular, Stalinization was a total paralysis of theory, the transformation of theory into a catechism to be followed automatically everywhere in the world and at all times. When Stalin wrote his manuals, that was the end of theoretical elaboration, of analyzing practice, concrete reality, of the production of theories to advance the revolutionary struggle for building socialism.
Revolutions accomplished outside of schemas
Practice has shown this. Many revolutions have been accomplished outside the schemas handed down, including bypassing those who claimed to be applying them. History found the roads that the theoreticians could not see.
Confusion and doubts are characteristic of a period of change. This is going to settle. In the medium and long term, this change is going to give rise to its own theory. Today, all of us are up to our necks in practical work.
We will have to see how Stalinism arose, because if we do not analyze its causes we may fall victim to a similar process. We have to explore old theoretical problems of Marxism, which may not have been entirely worked through, or on which the time has come to say who was right.
For example, is it possible to build socialism in one country? Isn't this one of the causes of Stalinism? The slogan of the Communist Manifesto was "workers of the world unite," and in the original version of Marxism socialism was conceived only as a worldwide enterprise. When they tried to build it in one country, maybe they were creating the conditions for what came after.
For imperialism is going to encircle you, it is going to wage a terrible economic war on you, and you are going to forget about proletarian internationalism.
Instead of the withering away of the state prophesied by the theoreticians, there is going to be a strengthening of the secret services and the armies, quintessential the and supreme forms of the state, in order to oppose aggression from the outside world. And this, inevitably will lead to Stalinist forms.
Another fundamental question is whether you can building propose socialism in an underdeveloped countries. Let us consider China and Nicaragua, where there never was a real capitalism. Proposing to build socialism there is a daring thing. The problem is losing sight of the limitations, having illusions that it is possible, falling into forced collectivizations.
There is industrialization, backed by a state, but this generates another problem that eventually emerges.
Power sufficient but not necessary
Formerly, out of over-simplication, it was said that what defines an organization as revolutionary was the question of power. Today, it has been demonstrated that this is necessary but not sufficient.
The question has to be answered in theory and practice of what power is taken for, what sort of socialism we want, whether human rights, freedom and democracy are going to be respected under it, whether there is going to be a multi-party system.
This has to be defined for each country and for each historical moment, because it is not a question of schemas.
Moreover, the methods for building this new society are important. We think that the people have to participate in it and lead it through people's power.
It is possible to have a process of democratization, of struggle against bureaucratic forms of activity, against alienation and intermediaries between the working class and the state.
This aspect of renewing socialism — greater participation - can be seen in the revival of the slogan "All power to the soviets," of giving decision-making and management, to the rank and file, to the workers.
This critical view of a bureaucratic and authoritarian structure is recognized today; it is something that we as part of a non-Stalinist left have maintained for many years. *
War against drugs -
T THE END of his term, on
COLOMBIA
A
August 7 of this year, President Barco will leave behind him the most overwhelming or against the left?
series of economic, political and social problems in the history of Colombia.
An economy in full recession; a foreign debt which obliges the country to devote
50% of its export earnings each year to the payment of interest and amortizations;
THE ELECTORAL predominance of the Liberal Party (PL) has difficulties with the production of coffee, the principal export product; these are just been confirmed by the municipal, departmental and national some of the sharpest problems that the elections held in Colombia on March 11. Whilst the repression next government must deal with in the has intensified with the assassination and arrest of several short term.
The sole solution proposed by the Intermilitants of the Colombian left, notably with the arrest on national Monetary Fund (IMF) and the
March 27 of Daniel Libreros and several other comrades of A the application of an
World Bank is
Luchar (see /V 182, April 9, 1990) — Daniel was released adjustment plan and a total economic several days later although the other comrades remain in opening. Until now, the Colombian economy has resisted this pressure, essentially detention, the promises of a "total war" against the drugs because most of its products are not destrade made last July by the government of President Virgillo tined for export and are sold directly on
Barco have not been fulfilled. Indeed, the true objective of the the national market. However, the necessity of obtaining new credits to maintain government's war has now been revealed for all to see.
the budget has obliged the government to give way to the demands of the IMF and the World Bank and has led it to privatize state enterprises and sanction the import of all kinds of goods.