Interview with Filippino union leader
Working for labor unity
PHILIPPINES
INTRODUCTION by Pierre Rousset
W
E REPRODUCE below an
Ernesto interview with
Arellano, vice-president of the National Federation of
Labor and deputy general secretary of the
KMU — the Kilusang Mayo Uno or May
1 Movement, the most important class struggle trade union federation in the Philippines.
This interview originally appeared in issue 26, May-June 1990, of
Against the Current, a publication spon-
"Solidarity"
sored by
, a
U.S. socialist organization.
In this interview Arellathe circumno reviews had always supported the actions of this trade union federation, born in 1980 under the Marcos dictatorship and itself hit many times by repression. As the second communique of the KMU notes, its initial position had "disconcerted its members, friends and supporters". Moreover, some international organizations seized this occasion to reduce or interrupt their assistance to the KMU.
The events in China have a particular importance for the militant left in the Philippines. It has been, historically, profoundly marked by the Chinese revolution. The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and its guerilla army, their struggle for reforms to strengthen socialist China",. As for the clandestine organizations - the CPP, the NDF and the NPA - they have not published any declarations on the subject. The KMU was thus the only important left organization, inside the national democratic current, to have publicly supported the Chinese government and Communist Party, after the repression of the democratic movement.
There has been general condemnation of the Tiananmen massacre by the other currents of the Philippine left. The socialist organization Bisig, for example, declare itself "outraged" by the massacre and expressed its "solidarity and support for the Chinese people in their struggle against a despotic and beastly gerontocra-
The publication of the June 11 communique came, according to Arellano, as a shock even to many members of the KMU leadership. This statement had not in fact been discussed by more than a handful of people, and even then no firm conclusions had been drawn. On top of the basic prob-
Zlem — the attitude to the Chinese events - the publication of the communique thus raised questions of democratic stances that led to the military of uprising
December 1989, the sixth and most serious of the
Philippines d'états attempted coup since 1986 against the
Corazon
Aquino regime
(see IV 176, December
25, 1989). He also outlines the policy pursued by the KMU on the question of trade union unity.
Ernesto Arellano also explains radical the change of position made by the KMU in relation to
Square the
Tiananmen massacre of June 1989.
The initial communique of the KMU, dated June
11, 1989, largely accepted the official explanation of events presented by the Chinese government. The KMU affirmed itself "deeply concerned with what is happening in
Beijing" and hoped for a decisive end to the bloodshed and chaos. But it also expressed "its full support to the Chinese people under the able leadership of the
Chinese Communist Party". It declared itself "glad that despite the efforts of the imperialist governments" (U.S. and British above all), "the CCP and the People's
Liberation Army have been able to moderate the conflict and are now moving of the underlying toward resolution issues".
This position provoked a good deal of
24 opposition and emotion in the Philippines and elsewhere, amongst those who
International Viewpoint #185 • May 21, 1990 the New People's Army, are of Maoist origin. They are an influential driving force in the main current of the left in the Philippines, the so-called "national democratic" current, which includes a clandestine element, organized in the National Democratic Front (NDF), and a legal component, organized in the coalition known as Bayan (the New Nationalist Alliance).
The KMU is part of this latter, legal grouping. The Bayan coalition's position on the Chinese events was cautious, but overall critical of the regime. It "deplored the indiscriminate use of arms in dispersing the students and civilians" in Tiananmen Square. It also "reiterated [its] solidarity with the Chinese people in functioning.
The federation of which Ernesto
Arellano is the vice- president, the
NFL, which is a member of the
KMU, forcibly and officially condemned the repression.
These were the circumstances in which the leading bodies of the KMU met to publish a new communique in which the statement of June 11 was retracted. In this second declaration the
KMU:
"strongly disagrees with the way in which the mass protests at Tiananmen Square were quelled.
We hereby denounce the killing of workers, students and soldiers."
Besides the interview with Arellano, we are also publishing the NFL's communique and the second declaration of the
KMU according to the versions in Against the Current.
National Federation of Labour's Statement on China
HERE have been six attempt-
PHILIPPINES
T ed military coups against
President Corazon Aquino, the latest of which might
THE National Federation of Labour, through its National Executive Board have succeeded if not for U.S. air support for her government. What is
• Condemns the killing of great numbers of students, workers and sections the attitude of the KMU and the popof the civilian population in early June and the subsequent crushing of the ular movement toward the coup and possible future ones — what would
• Decries the recourse to repressive measures by the state to contain social happen if Aquino were overthrown?
unrest rather than facing up to the challenge of systemic reforms;
The December coup was the most seri-
• Deplores the tendency of the media to sensationalize what is complex real-
This came about because of a ous so far.
ity and to fall back on black-and-white moralizing of the Cold War era;
series of betrayals by the Aquino govern-
• Affirms the inviolability of human rights and human dignity in all socioment of what the 1986 uprising has meant economic systems, whether socialist states such as China or underdeveloped for the oppressed of the Philippines. The
"people's uprising", as it was called,
• Demands the release of all political prisoners in China, the institution of involved various people's organizations in the overthrow of the Marcos dictatorbasic rights such as the freedoms of expression and association and the other ship. Some of these had been organized following the assassination of Benigno
While recognizing the flaws and even aberrations in the attempts to establish
Aquino, Cory's late husband.
socialism in various countries, the National Federation of Labour reiterates its
Also, however, in that uprising, a faccritique of capitalism as a dehumanizing system and reaffirms its commitment
- the tion of the military participated to the vision of a new order of freedom, justice, equality and peace. *
Revolutionary Armed Forces Movement
(RAM) headed by Gregorio Honasan. The new president Corazon Aquino failed to cultivate her base among the popular organizations that had helped her to power, opting instead to embrace the military component of the 1986 uprising.
This was manifested after the first coup attempt, when the two progressive personalities whom she had appointed to executive positions, Joker Arroyo, a top Aquino aide, and Labor Minister Augusto Sanchez, were the first to go, as the military demanded.
This already indicated that she was leaning more and more to the right. She commeeting on July 14, 1989, democracy movement; countries such as the Philippines; and trade union rights. pletely forgot the sectoral organizations that were long involved in the struggle against Marcos' one-man rule, organizations started at the very time of the 1972 martial law decree, longstanding organizations of workers, farmers, student and church organizations who fought in the 1986 uprising.
After every coup, the president became the captive of the ultra-right sector of the military. Whether from naivete or whatever other reason, she didn't realize that
NO DISCOUNT?
the military had made and unmade Marcos, that it also made Cory Aquino and could unmake her. This is the long term effect of the martial-law regime, where the military became a decisive force in the country's political life, and now they won't simply go back to the barracks and submit to civilian power.
Vigilante violence against the popular movement has continued, as reflected by Executive Order 264, creating the "Civilian Armed Forces Geographical Units" (CAGFU). Instead of dismantling the paramilitary units, Aquino legitimized them.
The same year that Cory Aquino came to power saw the assassination of KMU chairperson Rolando Olalia, and a few months later the notorious massacre of farmers in front of Malacanang, the presidential palace. These events isolated the once-popular Aquino from the sectoral popular organizations, from which she could have derived the support that could have effectively neutralized the military.
Even those who supported her campaign for the presidency have had to move out. The resignation of the former director of the National Economic Development Authority, Solita Monsood, came over the program the government submitted to the International Monetary Fund/World Bank. This whole chain of events isolated Aquino and emboldened the military to attack. • Did the U.S. Intervene on her side in the recent coup attempt in order to protect the future of the American military bases in the Philippines?
I think so. The Aquino government is simply interested in increasing the rent and the military aid it gets from the United States - it's been very clear from the start that she is willing to extend the bases 25 agreement. Sovereignty isn't for her the May 21, 1990 • #185 International Viewpoint
KMU issues new statement on
Tiananmen massacre
THE National Executive Committee of the Kilusang Mayo Uno retracts
PHILIPPINES issue; it's just a matter of setting the price. Washington could have easily allowed the coup to succeed by not intervening. But I think this would jeopardize its position, because for a junta to take over by a the KMU statement last June 11, 1989 on the Beijing incident.
coup will eventually be repressive, forc-
Seriously concerned over the fast unfolding events last June 3-4 in ing the people to look to other alternatives
Beijing, the shock they created in the world, and the malicious attacks represented by the growing guerilla
Imperlalists were hurling at socialist China, we issued a statement in movement.
defence of the historic achievements made by the Chinese people.
So while Aquino is seen as very weak
However, the reference to "the able leadership of the Communist Parby the Washington policy makers, she ty of China" in our statement of support to the Chinese people and the remains their best bet to maintain the
Implication that we supposedly support the Communist Party, its curlegitimacy of government. If she is rent leadership and its actions last June 3 and 4 was unintended and deposed by the military, whatever military or military-civilian junta took over
The KMU is a genuine trade union center, Its first and foremost con would be unable to rule, would have no cern is the welfare of the people and specifically the workers here and legitimate mandate.
abroad. The unfortunate implication that KMU condones the killing has
The experience of the people under been distorted in some quarters and has disconcerted its members,
Marcos with the military was quite horrible, and they would resist. It might not be
The KMU national leadership spent a lot of time discussing the stateimmediate, but I think that they are prement and considered the reactions from member unions and all conpared to resist, given the strengthening of cerned friends here and abroad. We thank all of them for their serious the sectoral organizations and the presconcern with the developments in China and for drawing the attention ence of a growing armed underground of the KMU to the Implications of its statement.
movement. So the military
Therefore, the KMU National Executive Committee headed by its coup d'état will be simply a disaster for
Chairperson, In the name of all its members, Issues now the following the Washington policymakers.
statement concerning the Beijing incident:
The KMU is deeply saddened by the social unrest and crisis that has
• When you spoke at a public meetgripped China today. We extend full support to the Chinese people during last night, you mentioned that ing this period of difficulty and wish them success in rooting out the the KMU has made causes of social unrest and in resolving the crisis.
The KMU strongly disagrees with the way the mass protests at Tiebetween your labor center and other nanmen Square were quelled. We hereby denounce the killing and unions in the Philippines. I'm Interwounding of workers, students and soldiers.
ested both in the KU's strategy for
We grieve with the families and friends of the victims and mourn the building unity of Philippine workers, deep wound the incidents have created in the hearts of the Chinese and in the terminology you used. As a labor center in the context of a
We are worried and disturbed by the unfolding of events after the third world struggle, do you feel that
June 3 tragedy. We hope that the factors in the soclopolitical structure the enormous changes in the world, the so-called end of the cold war, the and economic relations that underlie the social unrest in China will be upheavals in Eastern Europe, addressed Immediately. We also hope that the Chinese people will be
Soviet Union, China, etc. create betsuccessiul in tending off Imperialist meddling in China's affairs. The
Chinese people, especially the workers, have a big task ahead in ter or more difficult conditions for defending and pushing forward the gains of socialism and democracy your struggle?
in China, which the KMU wholeheartedly supports. *
In the main, the climate for organizing and doing coalition work with other trade-union groups has become more perwere considered the personal property of (TUP) can meet and discuss certain missive. That's how we feel, because the developments in Eastern Europe show that the socialist system has the capacity to recognize the people's demands. This is also shown in Latin America by the
Nicaraguan experience.
The [liberation] movements that the capitalist countries perceive as inflexible or sectarian have the capacity to accept others' political views.
In the Philippines, I think we started on this process even earlier. The uprising in
1986 provided us with a little breathing space. At least, we entered into a coalition with other labor groups, which was unthinkable ten years ago - unthinkable on both sides, both the conservative unions and our own.
The rivalries between unions then were very sharp. In 1986, I think we realized the need to unite the labor movement in
• the Philippines. It has been so fragment-
26 ed. Many of the labor organizations were
International Viewpoint #185 • May 21, 1990 uncalled for.
friends and supporters.
people. highly centralized. A number of them their founders - positions were even inherited by the children of the organizers.
On the basis of our analysis we formulated three basic principles - for genuine, militant and nationalist trade unions "Nationalist" refers to our desire to involve the workers in analyzing the economic and political conditions in the Philippines and adopting a position on them.
The conservative unions remain suspicious of us. The "Berlin Wall" between the unions is still there. This is further reinforced by the international policy of the AFL-CIO and some other international trade secretariats. The AFL-CIO is telling union leaders, "Don't talk to Arel-
It's encouraging in the Philippines that the two labor centers, the Labor Advisory Coordinating Council (LACC)' of which the KMU is a member and the
Trade Union Congress of the Philippines issues, particularly wage issues. This is a very limited area of discussion, a modest step towards unifying the labor movement.
Of course, we still hold the view that many unions in the Philippines are "yellow" (company unions), and a number of their contracts are below minimum standards. But our experience has been that workers' awareness is growing regarding the company unions, forcing them to consider their role as unions.
Atlas Copper Mining and Development Corporation provides an example. For more than a decade, workers there were under the Associated Labor Union (ALU), the biggest federation within the TUCP. KMU's affiliate, the Southern Philippines Federation of Labor, was able to conclude a contract there, with far better benefits than the ALU contract. So, even though the repression was tremendous in
the last union representation election,
SPFL still won by a landslide.
Even the yellow unions are being forced to develop a more pro-worker stance and drop their role as company unions. This factor requires the development of a certain amount of tolerance on our part for these unions, even though we won't drop our observation that they maintain substandard contracts.
As we discuss with them, issues that they traditionally consider union problems — such as the foreign debt, American bases, right-wing vigilantes and agrarian reform - have been raised. Little by little, they understand the need to address these issues, think, the actual conditions in the Philip-
For instance, workers last year obtained a 25-peso increase in the daily minimum wage, but in six months this has been completely eroded. This compels them to rethink their positions, and at this point acceptable to these groups.
But certain labor groups and leaders have always redbaitgrown accustomed to first organized KMU.
And the red-baiting is still there.
• There has been considerable negative publicity surrounding the first statement by the
KMU on the Chinese events, supporting the
Chinese Communist Party in the
Tienan men massacre, and questions regarding the subsequent reversal of that position.
Can you comment on the substance and the process of the KMU's policy?
The first statement of the KMU supporting the Chinese Communist
Party leadership, did not reflect the majority view of the National Executive Committee or the National Coun-
The NEC is composed of 15 members or less, the NC of 45. It is the
National Council that is the policymaking body between national conventions, while the NEC is the policy-making and implementing arm in between meetings of the NC.
was a limited discussion first, on the NEC level but without a quorum. We have a secretariat, which charged with overseeing the daily activities of the KMU, and one of these tasks is to prepare statements after discussion of a certain issue. So the release of the first statement was a shock to the majority of the NEC, and more so to the members of the National Council. For this reason, we had to call for a full-blown discussion by both bodies, the NEC and the NC
I took the position that the massacre of pro-democracy demonstrators Beijing should be condemned, but that we should at the same time be aware that our commitment to the people's socialist struggle in the Philippines, China and worldwide is unwavering.
However, the convening of the NEC and the NC took some time. My organization, the National Federation of Labor, informed the KMU that we could not identify with the statement issued by the KMU, and we issued our own statement.
The NFL, organized in 1947, had been a union dominated by one family, but it was transformed by the infusion of new blood. All of our KMU-affiliated federa-
PHILIPPINES tions have overcome the phenomenon I spoke of earlier, of one-man domination and of splitting when there is any disagrement over leadership. The KMU leadership in fact tolerated our statement — we encouraged all the member federations to present their positions
To me and to all my colleagues, the process that followed the first statement was very encouraging. We underwent a vigorous process of discussion. It's unfortunate that the first KMU statement is being exploited by our detractors, because the process we underwent demonstrated our capacity to correct our own errors through our internal processes, without breaking
What isn't known to trade unions here in the United States and Europe is the internal debate that went on immediately after the first statement was issued. Some territorial and industrial alliances of KMU (another part of the KMU's organizing structure, linking up with peasants, the unemployed, and so on) also issued statements that differed from the first KMU
The absence of information about this process and the heated debate among the members and within the committees, has led many unions abroad to be skeptical about the genuineness of our statement retracting the first one. It is important to make these things known. * 1. The LACC, formed shortly after the 1986 uprising, includes the KMU and three other labor federation groupings. The TUCP, supported by the AFL-CIO, broke with the LACC when its demands for representation equal to that of the other four groups combined was rejected. The TUCP was conciliatory to Marcos' martial law regime and received preferential treatment under the dictatorship. The TUCP also demanded the removal of Labor Minister Sanchez after the first coup attempt.
27