At the same time Aleman has been squandering his budget in organizing little celebrations (one of which, with the cream of the Nicaraguan bourgeoisie and
Towards a "social
Cuban exiles, the "gusanos", who have announced that Nicaragua will be their trampoline to crush the Cuban revolution, democratic" capitalism?
cost him $8000). Faced with such behaviour from the bourgeoisie, the FSLN's tactic of trying to divide UNO, in a climate of social tension, is difficult to understand for the majority of the population which is the victim of the government's attacks. WE REPRODUCE below large extracts from a contribution
In this context, the response of the trade which appeared In the Nicaraguan daily El Nuevo Diario on unions was not slow in coming. On Wednesday May 12, 1990, a National May 23 and 24, 1990, This text is a good illustration of the Front of Workers (FNT) was established, debates going on Inside the Sandinista National Liberation comprising the principal trade unions; Front (FSLN), as much on the question of what social and general (CST), economic model to follow, as on the situation today and agricultural workers (ATC), health (FETSALUD), technicians (CONAPRO), journalists (UPN), and administrative employees (UNE), and discussions are in progress with the Workers' PEDRO ANTONIO RODRIGUEZ Front, the trade union of the Popular Action Movement (MAP, of Maoist origin) over its participation.
On May 1, the trade union organizations demonstrated in support of a 100% wage increase. The minister of labour responded by offering 60%. Following the devaluations, the trade unions increased their demand to 200%. Unrest has continued to grow in the civil service, leading to the general strike of May 14 which demanded a 100% wage increase and the promise of a revision of the measures concerning the right of dismissal in the administration by the government. Despite the threats of the authorities, the strikers occupied public buildings and even held the minister of 20 • foreign affairs prisoner for some hours
The strike spread throughout the adminInternational Viewpoint #187 • June 18, 1990 the attitude to adopt to It,
H ISTORY teaches us, above all
with regard to the spectacular events we are living through, that when the revolutionary movement suffers defeats which appear decisive, and capitalism, for its part, seems to be passing through an ascendant phase, it is normal that voices will be raised amongst the revolutionaries saying that it is senseless to attempt to skip stages and launch into premature social revolutions.
In explaining that it is necessary to leave the field open to capitalism to develop itself, these same comrades think that, in today's conditions, revolutionaries can only struggle for the least "savage" form of capitalism. According to them, it would be necessary to struggle so that the benefits of the system do not remain in the hands of the "high-ups" and that, partially at least or under the form of social benefits, they are shared with those "at the bottom". In this case, the comrades argue, it would be unnecessary then to struggle against capitalism and for a premature and inopportune social revolution, but for social reforms, to achieve a certain "democratization of wealth" in the context of this system.
Faced with such opinions, those who persist in continuing to argue for revolu-
tionary ideas find themselves marginalized by a majority of comrades who rejoin the euphoric current of the vacillating petit-bourgeois middle layers, the same who, at other times, have been seduced by dreams of revolution, but who today are impatient to "share" the promised riches. They want to find themselves a stabilizing role in the dominant system; in extreme situations, these middle classes are even capable of accusing their former comrades — who do not wish to see the popular movement stagnate - of being "adventurers", "radicals" or "subjectivists", and apostles of a revolutionary future which exists only in their fevered heads. So far as concerns me, my character places me a priori — and perhaps also for "sentimental" reasons — amongst the minority of radical Don Quixotes, devotees of Sandino who was ready to die alone in hurling himself against the
They even maintain that opposition to privatizations signifies opposition to a global tendency. Concretely, in conditions such as those of Nicaragua, can capitalism develop in a "non-savage" fashion? Is a "social democratic capitalism" possible?
Yes, on the condition that the new regime obtains each year a sum of around 800 to 1200 million dollars; otherwise, it would be obliged to accept the savage recipes of the "Blue and White Plan", • of the employers' organization (COSEP) which — according to a European social democratic leader - symbolize a backward, primitive and "neanderthal", indeed "savage" capitalism.
In the absence of foreign subsidies, capitalism in our country — and it is not a question of ill will or of cruelty, but of necessity — must develop in a savage fashion; this is an inherent trait of primitive accumulation.
Dependent, backward and deformed capitalism
The capitalism which has developed in Nicaragua, dependent, backward and deformed, does not lead to the "blossoming" of the productive forces; it can only survive through thoroughly indebting itself to compensate for its meagre capacities of accumulation. When the credit is exhausted, it can find a way out only by exerting a growing pressure on the labour force. This capitalism has no aptitude of its own to encourage, through accumulation, the productive forces of social labour which it could exploit in increasing productivity and then with a relative surplus value which would be compatible with increasing the real wages and the "social gains" of the workers. Its lateness, its lack of competitivity and its obsolete structure place it at the back of the line for the international market; it can then subsist only by putting pressure on absolute surplus value and increasing super exploitation.
Faced with the contempt these assertions will be treated with by some, who will explain that my argument is "theoretical" and no more than "dogmatic chatter", I point out to readers the sad reality of Latin America. Dependent capitalism, under the pressure of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), has a free hand; it no longer hides its reality; the regime of an unprecedented deterioration of real wages, of the growth of unemployment, of enormous flights of capital... all the elements which concretely provoke social
In sum, I am of the opinion that a dependent capitalism can only back of a growing depression of wages — even the terrible inroads on wages that we ourselves (the FSLN) made to finance the defence of the revolution and the policy of national unity, would not be enough for it. In political economy this is called super exploitation, and not "the growth of productivity and efficiency" (...)
Some of our comrades who — with the best intentions in the world - dream of a "social-democratic capitalism" only reinforce the illusions of the masses and their demobilization, instead of preparing them, with correct revolutionary slogans, for the ferocious confrontations which
The big bourgeoisie knows very well that a social democratic compact is not viable in Nicaragua; the Lacayos or the Cesars, who preach this model, are using it to mollify Sandinism, to neutralize it and allow it to win time. The bourgeoisie hopes that the people, momentarily stunned by the positive effects of US aid, will allow the pro-capitalist regime to reinforce itself and will at the same time forget Sandinista "dreams".
The moment will come when it will have a better hold on the economic reins and the ideological apparatus, and in the absence of a combative movement, it will take steps towards the control of society. It would like to make itself stronger, absolute even, to reestablish Somozism totally, under a regime without sharing of capital; that is its dream... And that is what menaces us if the mass movement does not immediately struggle(.) *
SLN
1. The "Blue and White Plan" (named after the colours of the Nicaraguan national flag) was an economic program in the pure IMF tradition, which was supported by the most right wing sectors of UNO; it was counterposed to the "Mayorga Plan" - named after the counsellor of Chamorro, today president of the Central Bank, which adopted a more "social democratic" framework. 2. Antonio Lacayo and Alfredo Cesar, leaders of the Social Democratic Party (after having been allies of the Contras) are technocrats who have a great influence over Violeta Chamorro. They were charged with negotiating the govemmental transition with the FSLN.
NICARAGUA A declaration of war
ON May 31 the UNO government and the Contras signed a new agreement concerning the demo. bllization of the latter, which proposes among other things:
• The creation of "a police to maintain internal order with the participation of ex-combatants (Contras whose alm s to safeguard the life and physical Integri ty of cillzens living In these zones Tol Contra regroupment]-.. This police force will form part of the structures of the Interior Ministry." Thus, the UNO, despite Its promises, is creating a parallel police. The recent social conflicts have shown the limits of its pow er, given that the FSLN retains the army and police. The UNO is try-
Ing to create a parallel state.
•The demilitarization of the zones of conflict The UNO wants to forbid the presence o the Sandinista Win zones where the con s are at work
•"The pursult of clvillan disarmament (in these zones] mean.
Ing the disarmament of the self- defence cooperalives and the militia, notably In areas where there are Contras
O The government undertakes to name a representative of those demobilized, designated by the Resistance, In the ministries who will concern themselves with the affairs of the ex-combatants and their families In areas such as health, agrarlan reform, work and so on. " The Contras will thus take part in the government and will have ta ear on all th sensitive questions, such as land and work conflicts.
This accord proposes the Installation of Contras In zones where land will be given lo them (perhaps taken back from the peas. ante who have benefited from the Sandinista agrarian reform...), the
Contras will receive urban and agricultural property titles (the same perhaps, that the present government wants to seize back rom those who received them
Walter 1979)
This accord is a declaration of war on the FSLN. The UNO Is try-
Ing to speed up the counterrevolution, k 21 June 18, 1990 • #187 International Viewpoint
Railway workers challenge Mazowiecki
POLAND organized by a union, the suggestion was made that it was illegal.
Faced with this reaction the strike committee invited the leaders of the three union confederations, Lech Walesa of Solidarnosc, Alfred Miodowicz of the OPZZ and Marian Jurczyk for Solidarnosc '80 (a split off from Solidarnosc in Western Pomerania) to come and discuss with
AT THE END of May the Polish government received two serious warnings. The turnout for the local elections on May