WE publish below extracts from the draft "Marxist Platform in the CPSU" prepared by the Federation of Marxist Party Clubs (see preceding interview). The text appeared in the Soviet Communist Party daily Pravda on April 16, 1990 DOCUMENT
HE country is at a cross roads.
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The objective impossibility of ensuring effective social development by a partial reform of the previous system leaves only two roads for getting out of the crisis that is hitting all aspects of our life. The first is a more or less consistent repeat of the centuries-long formation of contemporary capitalism. The second road is to democracy and socialism. The struggle to resolve this question is reaching a critical
The crisis of the social model called socialist has led to a discrediting of the socialist ideal. Marxism has been gravely weakened as a result of the fact that for many years the label of Marxism has been applied to over-simplified concepts, and the betrayal of those who have found it more profitable to join those who overthrew Marxism. We are for a return to classical Marxism, which means a critical attitude to the theoretical legacy founders and their followers, and a constant revolutionizing of the theoretical bases of scientific socialism in accordance with a changing world. It is from this point of view that we are trying to offer answers to the challenges of life • The breakdown of authoritarian bureaucratic society is releasing social forces oriented both to the restoration of a capitalist or semi-capitalist mixed economy and to a rebirth of a genuinely socialist perspective....
The first tendency is reflected by leaders of a bourgeois liberal inclination. Those layers that by virtue of their position in the social division of labor could occupy a privileged position in the market have an interest in the introduction of market economic structures of the capitalist type. They include small sections of the technocracy and the bureaucracy, the specialists holding administrative posts in the financial and economic bodies, and the economic units that occupy a monopoly position in the national economy. They also include the private entrepreneurs both inside and outside of the law, who are looking forward to being able to use their capital freely. Finally, we find analogous interests amongst the intelligentsia who are looking forward to market relations to capitalize on their monopoly of qualifications or talents.
In attacking revolutionary ideology, this tendency calls for a radical breakup of the established social system. Building capitalism here in the foreseeable future could only bring benefits for a handful of nouveaux riches and the top
"professionals" assure a thoroughgoing modernization of the economy. • The so-called social democratic current takes a two-sided position. While not explicitly rejecting socialism, the social democrats reduce it to a collection of humanitarian moral and legal values, and in their practical program pur the emphasis on a of the socioeconomic structures of the most devel-
This current includes that part of the working people, and especially of the intelligentsia, that sees the social democratic mass movement as capable of becoming a real alternative to the bureaucracy. This layer forms the left wing of the social democracy, which is oriented toward a socialist option, but for whom the transition to a market economy is to be complemented by the creation of a system of social guarantees blocking a complete shift to private
The right-wing of the social democracy is more organized, and by virtue of this partially determines the political line of this movement. It is based fundamentally on technocratic circles and takes essentially liberal positions, considering that the harsh conditions of a system of free enterprise are the unavoidable price of continued progress.
The positions of the social democratic current might be supported by a part of the peasantry, oriented toward a private farm system.
The social democratic current in the USSR, in contrast to the Western social democracy, which is oriented toward the democratization and humanization of capitalist society, considers capitalism rather as a goal, and only to the extent
USSR that this is achieved, as a field of struggle • Any attempt to implement the social democratic movement's platform in practice will inevitably lead to its having to choose between one of the poles between which it is now oscillating — either taking the right-liberal direction, de facto and de jure dismantling the system of social guarantees; or developing and strengthening social security, promoting social self-realization and the activity of individuals, taking on in essence a socialist character. • We consider that a democratic movement which is Marxist in ideology and oriented toward a socialist option corresponds to the fundamental interests of the society. The social base for a Marxist movement arises from the contradictions of the whole preceding development. On the majority of working people cannot solve their material and social problems without an improvement in the life of the society as a whole. On the other, there continues to be alienation of human beings from the function of master of the economy and society, acting as a brake on the possibilities for selfrealization within the collective....
A solution for people caught in the jaws of this contradiction is possible either through private enterprise (that is, in the final analysis, at the expense of others) or through the creation for the majority of the people of free collective labor. The achievement of the latter task is also the most important for supporters of the Marxist Platform.... • Those socio-political movements that share illusions about the possibility of reviving the old model of socialism in a somewhat "humanized" and democra tized form stand somewhat apart. These movements are based on the section of the working people which fears, and not without reason, that the development of the market and the liberalization of the June 18, 1990 • #187 International Viewpoint
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USSR economy and the society, will mean hardship for the ordinary citizens of the country. These movements are attracting people by proclaiming loyalty to socialism and its principles and ideals and by promises of broadening social guarantees for working people. While recognizing the abstract truth of these positions, we have to note that the mere repetition even of once true slogans does not solve today's problems.
The disagreement of the leaders of this movement with attempts at reform in violation of "principles" is leading them to bloc with the section of the bureaucracy that sees an unavoidable need for social maneuver. The unnatural combination of conservative and democratic tendencies in the workers movement gives rise to a disparate current, which in the final analysis will have to choose between a democratic struggle for socialism or defense of a renewed authoritarian bureaucratic sys• The conservative bureaucratic tendency is based on the bureaucracy, the civil servants that follow its lead and conformist declassed strata in the cities and countryside. It does not have an openly proclaimed program or a political movement reflecting its interests. But it is trying to oppose the restructuring of Soviet society by exploiting its position in the state apparatus. • National movements have gained a significant influence in the country's political life. They differ in their social and political nature. One tendency in them is a democratic one seeking the restoration of the legal rights of nations and nationalities in the economic, political and cultural spheres. At the same time, a bourgeois liberal current has a strong influence in the national movements. identifies its own goals with national ones, presenting its class opponents as opponents of the national interest, who at bottom reject the equal rights of nations. Such agitation particularly attracts lumpen elements, who are inclined to seek the roots of their problems anywhere but with
Against this background, extreme nationalist and chauvinist movements are growing, basing themselves in part on the corrupt bureaucracy, shadoweconomy businessmen, declassed and outright criminal elements.
Russian nationalist movements have also begun to organize, representing both tendencies oriented to raising the level of national culture and consciousness, and chauvinist groups, which divide into two currents — separatist ones and great-state ones. These tendencies threaten to give rise to a new nationalistic version of the totalitarian system. • Since the leadership of the CPSU and 1(0 of the Soviet state is not ideologically united, it seeks today to maintain the forInternational Viewpoint #187 • June 18, 1990 mal unity of the party and the society at any cost, to avoid political upsets and to pursue the reform policy by means of maneuvering among all the social layers and political movements. This is leading to an eclectic, inconsistent position, to a loss of political initiative and to the deepening of the crisis in the country. With the movement of events, this position is gradually evolving from a bureaucraticconservative to a social democratic one. • The starting point for finding a way out of the crisis must be political changes....The political system of socialism cannot be reduced to a multi-party, parliamentary democracy nor even to a system It requires genuine popular power that guarantees to each individual the possibility of directly participating in the solution off social problems on any level....
The transition to such a system requires:
— On the basis of a broad mass movement, the gradual peaceful transition of power from the hands of the bureaucracy to the bloc of democratic forces of socialist orientation, while guaranteeing the constitutional rights of other political and social movements that respect the laws of the Soviet Union and its republics, as well as the Declaration of the Rights of
- the gradual transfer of power to the local Soviets, and to the organs of self-management that are their base of support in managing the social infrastructure of
The transformation of social movements and organizations — worker, trade union, consumer, ecological — into the working democratic foundation of the Supreme Soviet, whose must be prepared by the committees and commissions of the Supreme Soviet with the mandatory participation of these
• The Soviet Union, as a socialist state, can only be a voluntary union of free and sovereign states based upon internationalist principles.
In order to renew the functioning of the USSR, it is necessary to propose to all the republics to carry out referenda on self-determination and to decide the question of participation in a new Union agreement. After these referenda, a new Union agreement should be concluded on the principles of sovereignty, and the equality of rights and obligations of its member states. On this basis, the unity of all republican movements of socialist orientation should be brought about.... • The progress of the scientific-technical revolution and of all civilization in the twentieth century has moved to the fore the necessity of developing economic relations that will permit the elimination of the alienation of the worker from the means of production, the liberation of the creative initiative of the individual and a high level of social and labour activism....
The transition to such an economy requires:
— Changes in property relations:
— The key economic branches and raw material sectors should remain exclusively national property with maximum democratization of their management.
- Regional property at all levels should be widely developed: full power in management of the social infrastructure should be transferred to the local soviets and organs of self-management.
— The collective property of the workers in enterprises and cooperative property should exist mainly in the spheres of small and medium industry and services; hired labour in these spheres should be limited to the transitional period.
- During this transitional period, private property in the means of production should be allowed, in a limited framework and under strict state control, with full social protection for the workers. • The transformation of the management system involves:
- The decentralization of rights, responsibility and resources at all levels of management and in all forms of prop-
— Limitation of national and branch organs to decisions of a strategic nature for the development of the branches and national economy as a whole.
— The development of a system of self-management from top to bottom; from Soviets of work collectives and worker committees to their unions on the level of branches, regions and inter-branch com-
— A gradual, consistent shift to a market in the means of production following the elimination of shortages in this area; through agreements between state organs, voluntary production associations and individual enterprises.
— The neutralization of the dictatorial power of the branches and enterprises by associations of work collectives and citizens.... • We propose the following fundamental measures to transform the CPSU:
— It must abandon all its direct management functions in the economy which are alien to it. All power must pass to the state and soviet organs;
— The ideological basis of the party must be clarified; there must be ideological differentiation of party members through the formation of different ideological-political platforms.
— All those whose abuses have discredited the party must be purged, along with those responsible for the crisis and the social stagnation....*