THE massive fraud employed by the ruling Senegal Socialist
Party (SSP) to win the 1988 elections severely damaged the regime's credibility. Since then a test of strength between
The labours of the Church the opposition and President Abdou Diouf has continued
This is notably the result of the labours against a background of social and economic crisis. IV of the Catholic Church which has withspoke to Amadou Guiro, leader of the Socialist Workers' drawn its support from numerous base organizations that originated within it. In
Organization (OST — Senegal section of the Fourth these conditions it is hard to see what
International) about the situation in his country. Amadou
"operation tidal wave" could lead to apart from an electoral landslide — if imperialhas recently been arrested again, during a demonstration ism and the Duvalierists, who have been called in the capital Dakar on November 14 to demand ruled out of the race by the State Council, opposition access to the media (see box). The Interview was allow it — or an explosion without any conducted on October 19 by Claude Gabriel.
future of the type seen several times in
Haiti since 1986.
In 1987, as a warning of the imminent
Aristide issued a slogan taken massacre, up by a number of popular organizations
— it was necessary to "balewouze", that is to say to totally sweep aside the Duvalierists.
Some (minority) sectors of the bourgeoisie are supporting Aristide's candida-
The is doubtless that cy.
reason
"operation tidal wave" would give them an advantage against the Duvalierists.
They are also hoping to worm their way into power in Aristide's wake, and use his popularity to stabilize the country.
"tactical alli-
He himself supports a ance" with them in order to "block the way for the tonton macoutes" and carry through what he calls a "democratic transition".
He cites the example of the "tactical alliance"
of the Nicaraguan FSLN to assist in the overthrow of Somoza. However, the differences are, unfortunately, significant. The FSLN had built a network of mass organizations and had an armed force. It was thus in a position to impose its conditions on the bourgeoisie, break the Somozist state apparatus and reject the mediation of the US.
It is to be feared here that the fate of the elections depends on the United States, and that, if he succeeds in entering the
National Palace, Father Aristide will be tragically alone; a prisoner of a government and a National Assembly (mostly
16 elected on December 16) led by the bour-
T HE opposition in Senegal
has for some years been campaigning against the government's electoral malpractices. What have been the results of this campaign? And what is happening on the social front?
After the February 1988 elections' and the well-supported demonstrations by the political parties against the frauds, the situation calmed down and the opposition was unable to make the regime retreat. The Senegal Democratic Party (SP), for example, announced that it was going to seek dialogue with the regime.
Now, the economic situation in Senegal is deteriorating due to the application of the IMF and World Bank dictated austerity plans. These involve job cutting in public enterprises that are to be privatized. Employees are being paid a few months wages to leave the public sector. But there is no effective union organization in this sector and thus no organized • Thus the political turmoil since 1988 has not crystallized into an independent workers' movement or in struggles in the enterprises.
The main struggles took place in the banking sector due to the reorganization of this sector throughout Africa. Some establishments have closed and others been taken over by French banks, notably the Banque Nationale de Paris, and many employees have been thrown out in the street. The mobilizations, however, were restricted to this sector and were fragmented and were not able to prevent this happening.
Teachers, especially in higher education, have also taken actions, and won some victories. A Teachers' Federation has been set up with the autonomous university teachers' unions, the Democratic Union of Senegal National Education (UDEN — a split from the previously existing teachers' union), some other groups and unorganized teachers. One can see a perspective of independent unions in strategic sectors - teachers, electricity workers, workers in health, posts and telecommunications - coming together. This would pose the question of an alternative union confederation to the CNTS. But these struggles are not centralized. • What role can the revolutionary left play in the developments in the unions?
It must encourage this process, explaining that the steps towards unity will come to nothing if they are not based on mobilizations. At the moment, the unions are discussing demands for strikes concerning a reduction in taxes, and specifically against a new tax that implies a wage cut. The political parties have also tried to take up this issue, but insofar as they have wanted
December 10, 1990 • #196 International Viewpoint to build a political movement, with little connection to the trade unions, these latter have rejected the initiative. • Despite the 1988 crisis, the Diouf regime does not appear to be on the point of collapsing.
After 1988, it would, in my opinion have been possible to bring down the regime, but some of the parties preferred to launch a dialogue with Diouf and headed off the movement. If the parties decide seriously to mobilize, this will encourage the unions and unorganized sectors of the population. But people are not going to old reason. They have already been dragged out on too many mobilizations that led nowhere.
On February 24, 1990, the opposition adopted a common platform, which could allow it to bring together the Senegalese people and get rid of Diouf, or at least enforce negotiations from a position of • Legal opposition parties have existed in Senegal for more than 15 years. Thus Senegal might appear to have led the way for other African countries in this respect. What is the reality of Senegalese multipartyism?
Real multipartyism only appeared after the departure of Leopold Senghor and Diouf's arrival, after a limited experiment with four currents. But it did not come as the result of popular struggles.
Our multipartyism is very formal and Senegalese democracy has strict limits.
Multipartyism in action
THE Senegalese government demonstrated its interpretation of multipartyism on November 14, 1990. A joint delegation of all the opposition went to the Communications' Minister in Dakar to demand access to the media. A public meeting also took place. The police attacked with extreme violence, wounding dozens and arresting 28 people, including nine opposition leaders, among them Amadou Guiro. The leaders were released later that night, but
19 people were still being held. Similar meetings took place in Senegal's main towns and the police response was the
The government did not dare to prohibit these meetings, but the interior minister had warned the organizers that their plans endangered the country's
"territorial integrity" and that there existed at this moment the "threat of terrorist activities" against Senegal, due to its government's line on the Gulf Crisis
(total support for the American-led intervention). *
The political parties exist. They have a press and issue their propaganda, but none of them have access to the mass media. Furthermore, the electoral law favours the regime. For these reasons, the parties are calling together for a boycott of the next municipal elections. • There is a serious crisis in the south of the country, in mance, where an independence movement has arisen.
Casamance was previously a French destined for independence. It is inhabited by different peoples, and was divided into two regions by an administrative reform - Kolda, where you find the majority peoples (the Peuls and Mandings) and Ziguinchor, in Lower Casamance, inhabited by the Diolas. It is in the latter that the Movement of Democratic Forces of Casamance (MFDC) has arisen. The MFDC raised demands concerning the whole of Casamance, responding to the frustration aroused by the unequal development of this abandoned region. This situation has been aggravated by the fact that Gambia separates this region from the rest of Senegal. To get there involves all kinds of
At the root of the movement lies the population's discontent with its economic independence content. In my opinion, the population does not aspire so much to independence from Senegal as to social justice and the possibility to choose its line of development. But even if the population does not support the taking up of arms by the independence movement, it feels strong sympathy for this
When the trouble in this region started, people demonstrated without arms and there were clashes with the forces
Instead of seeking dialogue, the government has been trying to play down the whole business, trying to show that only a few isolated individuals were involved, although in fact the movement was a broad one. Now when people demonstrate they are armed.
Furthermore, Dakar tried to torture the pro-independence forces into giving in, and hides the truth about the situation in Casamance from the rest of the
We are calling for the demilitarization of the region, the freeing of all political above all the movement's leaders, Mamadou Sané and the priest
Diamoacoune Senghor, and the opening of direct negotiations with the independence movement, with the participation of Senegalese political forces. Otherwise the armed struggle will continue and will spread throughout the country.
• France is omnipresent in Sene-
SENEGAL
The Senegalese model
THE Senegalese "model" has been dented by the crisis. The figures speak for themselves:
• The rate of infant mortality was 14 per thousand in 1985. Life expectancy is about 44 years for men and 47 years
• Senegal's foreign debt was $3,109m in 1987, representing 69% of the gross national product (GNP). Servicing of the long-term debt takes about
6.4% of the GNP. • GNP per inhabitant grew by an estimated 0.1% between 1980 and 1987.
• Officially, 47.1% of the population is economically active. In the capital Dakar, again according to government figures, the unemployment rate is
• 68% of the population are illiterate, 13% have had some secondary education. *
Sources: Atlas Statistique de 1990 and L'Etat du Monde, 1989-1990. gal. It plays an important economic role and has a vital military base there, for use in its interventions in Africa. In France Senegal is presented as the democratic shop window of the continent and the ruling party is a respected member of the Socialist International, under the patronage of the French Socialist Party. What is the outlook of the Senegalese opposition and union movement on the issue of the country's depen-
The first signs of rejection of the link are showing up on the jobs front. A lot of firms here are French and they employ expatriate workers, despite a Senegalese law which, on paper, limits the number of foreign workers that French firms can
A French employee gets at least ten times as much as a Senegalese for the same work, apart from numerous other material advantages. Obviously Senegalese workers are aware of this.
The military base on Senegalese territory is the scene every year of joint exercises between the French and Senegalese armies, against supposed "foreign invaders". The demand for the withdrawal of French troops is popular, but is chiefly put forward by the left, who do not want direct intervention by French military 1. Abu Diouf was reelected in February 1988, officially with 73.2% of the votes. The result was vigorously contested by the opposition. Riots broke out when the result was announced, and the leader of the Senegalese Democratic Party, Abdoulaye Wadé, was imprisoned along with a hundred others. However, in July, the bougeoise sion apied a dialogue with the 17 regime (See IV 153).
International Viewpoint #196 • December 10, 1990