Massive Dutch trade union demonstration
THE biggest trade union demonstration in the Netherlands since the war took place on October 5. About 250,000 demonstrators came to the Hague for what was the closing event of a big campaign by the main three Dutch trade union federations against attacks by the government on social welfare (see IV 213). Nobody expected such a high turn-out. It showed how angry people are and it made it once again very clear that people want to take action and that there are possibilities for
That, however, was not the intention of the trade union leaderships. The campaign was a big success, but the centralized coordinated activities were supposed to end with this demonstration. Trade union speakers on the platform closed the second stage of the campaign and announced that the battle will continue later this year and next year, during the regular contract negotiations, to try to repair the damage done by the government measures sector by sector.
Not surprisingly, the government proposals were adopted in parliament the week after the demonstration. More than
80% of the delegates at a special congress of the social democratic PvdA had already voted on September 28 in favour of the plans, which were linked to the political future and the integrity of party leader Wim Kok. This decision had no positive effects on the position of the PdA in the opinion polls, which continue to point to a loss of half the social democratic seats if
After the party congress a small number of members left the party and some ex-members announced that they want to take initiatives to launch a new (social democratic) party. Although it has to be seen what will really come out of this, there is a lot of discontent among a lot of trade union members who voted for the PvdA in the past, with many saying that they will
As expected there were numerous problems during the campaign with judges, many strikes being ruled illegal. The good news is that workers in some cases formed committees to organize wildcat strikes. This happened in Amsterdam (public transport) and in an impressive way in the Rotterdam docks, where a five day wildcat strike began immediately after a judge ruled strikes in the port illegal. Employers in the Amsterdam port decided in the light of that experience not to go to court and to accept a two day strike, "to avoid wildcat strikes that lasted longer".
All in all it is clear that more was possible, but the trade union leaderships did not dare or want to continue the campaign that started so successfully in September. The final result was that the plans were adopted by parliament - no important changes were made in the proposed measures — so in that sense the campaign did not succeed
Two features of the campaign are however important for the struggles to come in the near future. Firstly, contrary to many sceptical expectations beforehand, it was possible to mobilize more workers than expected in a unified campaign.
Some groups and sectors took action for the first time, others mobilized once again but for the first time in many years in a coordinated campaign involving wider forces than their own sector. This is important for future struggles, such as in the public sector where the unions are preparing for a big fight over their new contract at the beginning of next year. Secondly, parts of the PvdA electorate and membership have now lost confidence in the policies and leadership of their party, opening more possibilities for discussion and possibly initiatives for a left political alternative to the social democrats - Robert
International Viewpoint #216 • November 11, 1991
EUROPE government refusal. These developments have also revealed the crises of the ruling social democratic majority. After ten years in period power, including a two year
"cohabitation"? the social democratic leadership is in the defendants dock. It has shown itself incapable of satisfying the needs of the great majority of the population concerning both employment and wages. In addition to the scandals that have shaken the government as of late, the entire public service system is in crisis. In such sensitive areas as the social and sanitary sectors their record is truly dismal.
This time all the categories of health personnel have mobilized together, even if the nurses continue to play a leadership role. The demands concern jobs, wages, working conditions, job training and concern all job categories. movement is still experiencing the difficulties of organizing itself nationally and forging a truly nationally recognized leadership. Although divisions along job exist they have been largely
The same is not true concerning organs of representation. One part of the nurses movement is today organized in groups organized strictly along vocational lines, like the nurses union or the national nurses coordinating union (CNI), which a stepped-up campaign.
elections were to be held today.
never vote again for this party.
Went. * are products of the 1988 events. The former, although weakly implanted, managed to take advantage of the fact that it had the same name as the democratic body formed in 1988, as well as the media attention it has received, to occupy center stage with its spectacular tactics like non-stop sit-ins in the ministry. But this group has not sought to build a national movement for which it has neither the will nor capacity. The CGT (the General Confederation of Labor) for its part has drawn the lessons of its marginalization from the 1988 movement. It has participated in the movement without being able to chart an orientation towards building a national organization built upon democratic and representative structures. It continues therefore, to go against the grain of a large part of the health workers' movement for which democratic aspirations remain strong.
The consciousness that has developed out of these past movements has led to the desire to coordinate nationally. The only union organization that has played this role is the CRC (Coordinate, Rally and Construct), but it lacks the forces of the principal union confederations. Nevertheless, through its active role, it has earned the recognition of the most mobilized sectors.
At first the government turned a deaf ear to the demands of the movement, responding instead with an enormous police presence at the nurses' demonstration on October 17, which it broke up with the use of water cannons and tear gas. This resulted in a great public outcry and forced the health minister to open negotiations. But these negotiations rapidly floundered due to the lack of authentic responses to the demands. It is questionable whether the government will be able to find a union willing to sign an agreement and thus undercut the current mobilizations. The strike continues to spread in the hospitals and a national demonstration of all health workers has been called for November 7, in Paris.
The failures of the Socialist Party(SP) in power are most clearly seen in the health field. Their policies are suicidal and criminal as the current scandal concerning blood transfusions demonstrates. Only a strong, united, and determined movement of all health workers can stop the dangerous direction that health services in France under SP rule are heading. * 3. It has recently been discovered that up to 400,000 people have received blood transfusions contaminated by viruses including HIV and hepatitis over the last several years. The Socialist Party government has been accused of being responsible for this affair
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8
the new budgetary law under the slogan "The opposition is again in the street". A lively and combative cortege took two hours to pass through the streets of Rome
- attendance at the demonstration was estimated at more than 50,000, including
Soldiers demand equal rights ON SEPTEMBER 6-8, 1991 the 13th European Conference of Conscripts Organizations (ECCO) took place in the Netherlands, the country with the continent's oldest officially recognized conscripts organization, the vow. During this conference ECCO discussed and accepted a Social Charter.
W ITH the development of
the integration of capitalist Europe, the role of the ECCO will be of great importance. The different Western govemments are creating rapid deployment forces that can be sent to all corners of the world to "safeguard the interests of westem democracies".
Conscripts are seen as an obstacle to these rapid deployment forces, in the first place because of the short training time and in the second because they are considered less reliable than volunteers or professionals. For example there were a lot of protests from conscripts and their organizations in Spain, Germany and the Netherlands against the compulsory despatch of conscripts to the Gulf
In the new "flexible" armies, the importance of conscripts will decrease. These military developments are connected with European unification and integration. The EEC wants to be world power, and this will involve the cooperation of different
- already today there are com-
EUROPE
We will publish some information about East European involvement in the soldiers' movement in the next issue German brigade into a Franco-German army, to be the kernel of a European army. ECCO is aware of the deterioration of the economic, social and democratic conditions for soldiers to the lowest common level — as is the case with the Franco-German brigade where conditions are set at the lower French level.
That is why 15 organizations from 13 countries adopted the Social Charter. This "Conscript's Charter" has chapters on human rights and democracy, working conditions, wages and working hours and human dignity.
The Charter considers the conscript as a young human being. who only differs from other youth because he's wearing a uniform. Thus all rights of young people