anti-racism in
International Viewpoint #218 • December 9, 1991 organizational problem to increase the number of active thugs tenfold. In west Germany there are at least twice as many. A militant fascist mass movement has become a possibility.
In East Germany, Stalinism has left an ideological void, while in the West bourgeois democratic ideas are losing ground, except among the intelligentsia. Only the media disseminates such ideas in the working class, and they are at odds with people's daily experience.
The established social organizations
THE following article argues that the racist outrages in
Hoyerswerda and elsewhere in Germany in recent weeks are planned actions by militant neo-Nazis rather than simply the work of confused youth. The author argues that to meet this threat a broad nationwide movement is needed to combat racism in all its forms. The article was first published in the
November 1991 issue of Inprekorr, a monthly magazine produced by German supporters of the Fourth International.
HANS JÜRGEN SCHULZ
THE SEED which the teachers of our country have sown and are daily sowing has sprung to life", commented Margot Honecker in June
1989. She knew better, since even then
6% of East German youth identified themselves as on the radical right, while for a long time the Stasi [East German secret police] employed a team of skinheads. This was hardly the teachers' fault, but that of social reality, which undermined the teachers' credibility.
Since the beginning of April, when
Jorge Gomondai was killed in Dresden, scarcely a night has passed in the new democratic and peace-loving Germany arson attacks or physical assaults; 2,000 neo-Nazis marched on
June 1 in Dresden and again on August
17 in Bayreuth, well protected by the police, and with little public outcry.
This street terror took on a new quality with the outrage in Hoyerswerda (see IV no. 215) which forced German politicians and their acolytes — policemen, journalists, experts — to defend their country's good name abroad and express their consternation. Even then, however, we were warned not to over-react. The young people were, of course, aggressive, but it would be wise not to provoke them.
These were not organized gangs, but merely drunken youth on the rampage. In any case they were not political and, furthermore, there were only a few of
The fact is that, in the meantime, refugees, foreigners or migrants are without accommodation throughout Germany and none of them can feel safe from intimidation and attack on the streets.
Previously these things happened often, but now they are the rule everywhere.
14 The tide of arson and murderous assaults, the muggings and provocations, will ebb, but it can flood in again at any moment, since it comes from the depths of this society. It has to be combated at a fundamental level.
Reactionary, far right and openly fascist views are being widely expressed or at least tolerated. In Hoyerswerda, the nobody openly confronted it. They are less daring in the West, but the good citizens of Essen have invited skinheads to attack a refuge, so that they can make their neighbourhood "foreigner free".
In Bremen the far right recently got 8% of the vote. In this case the votes came not from the petty bourgeoisie, but from workers and unemployed; that is, from precisely those social groups with whom we hope to change society.
There is still a difference between the East, where an anti-fascist tradition remains strong despite everything, and the West. "Only" 21% of Easterners, as opposed to 38% of Westerners, "understanding" for far right tendencies. One in ten Germans thinks in a far right way, even if they they do not necessarily express this in voting. The figure is higher for the youth. Some 56% of the 16 to 18 year old age group agree with the statement "I am proud to be a German" Almost one in every five Germans thinks along authoritarian lines and wants leader. One in every 20 is frankly fascis-
It is said that in East Germany there are only 1,500 young far right cadres, and this number has not altered since the fall of the Wall. This may be true, but they have some 15,000 open sympathizers while another 50,000 consider themselves "inclined" towards them — whatever that may mean. Thus, it is merely an have lost almost all real links with the unemployed, people on social security and above all with working class youth. Scarcely anyone really believes in God. while there is nobody to be found in the youth organizations of the political parties except careerist Yuppies. The trade union youth structures exist mainly on paper and are the servants of the enterprise council
The beautiful ideas of equality, social security, solidarity, democratic co-management and opportunities for the future have turned out to be mere dreams and only live on now as a vague feeling. The sick, the old, or the simply ill-adapted have no chance. Whoever cannot toe the factory line is out. People have no possibilities for influencing things, whether in the party, the union or the community. People are powerless; those above give orders, those below obey. "Struggle, Selection, Power"
Everybody thinks only of themselves, each struggles against all and only the ruthless succeed. "Struggle, Selection, Power" (Michael Kühnen) - this is the experience and true morality of capitalism. When the old ideologies break down, then this social natural religion breaks through. It is not democratic, but authoritarian, anti-solidarity and power-oriented;
When classes or social layers see no alternative, when progressive ideas are no longer promoted and no countervailing experiences are provided by unions, parties or civil movements, then reactionary thinking breeds. It becomes rooted in the society, a consequence of the fact that socialist, or even merely radical democratic ideas are no longer a living force.
The two years since the fall of the Wall have been turbulent for the far right groups. Unexpectedly here was a united Germany, and they had contributed nothing to bringing about its existence. This threw them onto the defensive. They descended into their usual squabbling
The strongest of these groups were the Republicans ("Republikaner"), who in the European elections of summer gained 2 million votes (7.1%) and fought to gain access to all the elected forums. The mutiny of the openly fascist wing. around the Bavarian regional deputy Neubauer, crippled this party for almost a year
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GERMANY Racism and Germany
100,000 march against racist attacks
MORE than 100,000 people attended anti-fascist demonstrations In
Germany on or around Noverber 9, 1991. This time they were not only
GERMANY cipal far right formations] have become stronger in the past two years, but have made no qualitative breakthrough; together they have no more than 30,000 members. The attempted unification of far commemorating the "Relchskristalinacht" of 1938*1, they also wanted to protest against the fascist pogroms that had taken place in Hoyerswerda, Saarlouis and Greffswald and against a toughening of the laws restricting asylum.
Although some of the local demonstrations were quite large - 8,000 people in Hamburg and more than 50,000 In Berlin - It was mainly the left that took to the streets. To a lesser extent this was aleo true of the demonstrations that took place after the pogrom In Hoyerswerda, a small town in Saxony, where Immigrants had been attacked by fasciats with the support of a substantial proportion of the local population.
There were also many young people on these demonstrationa.
In many cases there were competing "officlal" and militant demonstrations, as well as much political sectarianism. Thus In Hamburg there was a small protest where the head of the government Voscherau spoke and a second, supposedly "leftist" demonstration excluded people who it was considered might raise "anti-Zionlet" positions. All this reduced the size of the turnout. Only in Saarland - an SPD stronghold where an Immigrant has recently been murdered by fascists ~ did the social democrats organize a demonstration. Although a significant number of refugee organizations took part in preparing the demonstrations, there was little Immigrant presence on them. The exception was Berlin, whose strong Immigrant population is quite politicized. The "wait and see" attitude of
Immigrants is understandable enough since the left and the workers' movement are sometimes more willing than able to defend immigrants.
The run-up to the demonstrations had already shown that the far left was, and is, unaware of the need to focus on Immigrants - and especially immigrant youth - to build an anti-racist movement.
There Is almost no cooperation with the main political force among the immigrants, the mosques representing the moderate Islamic current. In spite of a declaration calling for self-defence against fascist attacks, the DGB trade union federation didn t try to mobilize in the factories, where racism is quite strong among white workers, It too made no effort to mobilize immigrant workers. In Hamburg and Hanover the Greens played a role in splitting the movement. In Hamburg they supported the demanstrations called by the established parties, employers associations and so on. This demonstration, on November 7, brought out about 1,000 people, while the "radical" demonstration on the next day attracted about 8,000. The line taken by the Greens is attributable to their overall rightward drift, but also to the fact that they have lost most of their grassroots activists. They do not play a big role in the left committees that are still the main force mobilizing against the fascists. While the Greens attitude does not much affect the size of demonstrations, it has a political impact given that this party has been seen as a defender of the Interests of Immigrants and refugees by a large part of the population.
Two days after the demonstrations the ruling conservatives of the
CDU/CSU demanded of the SPD in a report: "vote for a change in our constitution!" to limit the rights of asylum seekers. It has also been revealed that meetings of neo-Nazis to coordinate attacks on Immlgrants had taken place in the framework of the state financed associations of people expelled from Eastern Europe after World War 2
In this climate we must do everything to create a coordination of antifascist forces. If is not the German people that is threatened by a flood of refugees. It is the left and every democratic and trade union organization that is threatened by this racist and neo-Nazi flood, - David Müller and Winfried Wolf* before the big chief Schönhuber could get rid of it. Membership sank to below 15,000. However, since the summer of last year the party has consolidated itself and now claims a (probably exaggerated) membership of 25,000. It is no longer able to organize mass events as it once could. On the electoral scene it remains by far the most important of such groups and has been able to reinforce its position in the past year. In the East its organization is weak and has scored no spectacular successes.
The NPD and DV [the two other prinright forces by the "German List", rather than overcoming the splintering, has in fact created an additional organization with an uncertain fate.
The problem for all these groups is that their membership is chiefly drawn from bourgeois forces, concerned for their reputation; they want to express something politically, but are ill-adapted to long term organizational work, while their willingness to make financial sacrifices is not unlimited. They have no independent social base, and are more like electoral blocs than parties. They can draw support from the widespread fascistic outlook, feeding off reactionary thinking and xenophobia
Under favourable conditions, they might gain some 10% of the votes in an election. This electoral base is still timid and inactive. Mostly it votes for the established parties, chiefly the Christian Democrats. These latter, with the aid of the tabloid press, have whipped up terror with their thoughtless anti-refugee hysteria, and have thus strengthened the reactionary groundswell.
### Far right consolidates electoral support
Nonetheless, the far right parties have politically stabilized themselves, have consolidated their base and electoral support; this is already a significant change since the mid-'80s. They are present in the public mind as a political alternative and can achieve electoral successes at least — an example being Bremen.
The openly fascist groups are incomparably more dangerous. Unlike the established far right parties, they rest on an activist cadre, working amongst the working class youth, rather than directing propaganda and electoral appeals at it from outside.
They have more than 3,000 members, and their activity is based primarily on the skinheads. Official estimates say there are only 3,000 of them in Germany, but in fact there are at least 7,000, even if not all are fascist in thought and action. They are very undisciplined and it is difficult to get them into durable and firm structures. "We have difficulties in establishing an organizational structure" says neo-Nazi Worch. However to some extent in East Germany this has already changed. Up to 150 skinheads have been involved in joint assaults in many towns; often they act for a whole day in a coordinated manner attacking specific targets, walking around with incendiary devices. Actions involving 20 to 30 people are commonplace. This can no longer be described as spontaneous. In May 1991 a high-ranking east Ger- 15
International Viewpoint #218 • December 9, 1991
GERMANY / AUSTRIA man police officer warned of the increasing terror. It would be organized "on conspiratorial lines" so that apparently independent and free acting groups would in reality be "organized and bound together" while larger actions would be thought out and prepared by "meetings of leaders". Up until now this has been denied, although the facts speak for themselves.
It is also clear that many attacks are carried out as imitations by sympathizers and small group. But this does not explain the systematic nature of the terror nor the choice of targets — dwellings of asylum seekers and foreigners — or why all the actions follow the same pattern. It broad, permanent coalition movement. It needs to be based on local initiatives and coordinations which can organize actions and mobilizations as well as build self-defence structures and do propaganda
This movement must in the first place oppose the xenophobic hysteria and address the roots of unemployment and homelessness.
It must centre its work on the most deprived neighbourhoods, work in the factories and seek an alliance with the immigrants. Campaigns should be orga nized starting out with a march against xenophobia on the lines of "don't touch my mate"!