Fascism / Anti-racism: BELGIUM / HOLLAND
Massive anti-racist march in Holland
SOME 350 organizations came together to call for a massive antiracist demonstration in the Dutch city of Amsterdam on Saturday
March 21, 1991. The police claimed that 50,000 attended, the organizers estimate being 100,000. Some fascist groups had called for a
Vlaams Blok.
It was a real popular festival, reminiscent of the anti-missile demonstrations; there were many young people and immigrants, and much music and dancing.
Since the success of the demonstration rested on the implantation and strong counter-demonstration, but nothing in fact happened.
mobilization of unions and new social
There were many young people and immigrants on the march, which movements, Flemings were more strongly was in some respects reminiscent of the big peace demos of the early represented than Walloons, such movements being stronger in Flanders, where
The organizing committee invited Dutch prime minister Lubbers to the score for the Vlaams Blok went over receive a petition against racism and the chairman of the national the 10% limit in the recent elections.
employers organization was invited to give a speech. At the same
The largest, most colourful and most time several immigrant organizations, local and national anti-fascist radical group on the march were young committees and left wing groups, including the SAP, the Dutch section people.
of the Fourth International and the youth group Rebel, called for the
The Catholic youth movements were building of a contingent critical of the government's racist policy massively present, as well as rap music towards refugees and immigrant workers (the government wants to groups made up of second and third geneput retugees in camps, while continuing its austerity policies which are ration children of immigrant families and the real root of racism - unemployment among immigrant workers is the far left youth organizations.
constantly rising).
All were on the same wavelength of
This - small - contingent wanted to draw attention to the racist polisolidarity and shared aspirations to far-reacies of the government and employers because this is the most direct ching equality. The struggle for the youth danger for immigrants. When Lubbers received the petition he was is crucial, since it is from there also that also pelted with rotten eggs and tomatoes thrown by discontented the Vlaams Blok draws its militants.
demonstrators.
Racist street violence as seen in Germany or France is still exceptio-
The workers' movement nal here, but that may change. Several weeks before the demonstraawakens tions there were attacks on mosques and the premises of immigrant organizations. While the size of the demonstration was a big success,
This demonstrations showed clearly that efforts must be stepped up to build local anti-racist and anti-fascist the organized workers' movement is reacommittees that are democratic and that are prepared to criticize wakening.
government policies. — Ron Blom. *
The leaderships of the two main union confederations, the General Federation of
Belgian Workers (FTGB — Social Democrat) and the Social Christian Confederation (CSC - Christian Democratic, with about 2.5 million adherents) played a full part in the organizing committee of the demonstration and seriously mobilized for
On the one hand, they were certainly concerned to keep the platform within certain limits, excluding calls for the right of immigrants to vote, and making no explicit criticism of the new coalition government of Social Democrats and Christian Democrats, who keep close links with "their"
union federation leaderships.
But it is also true that the reformists know that they have to act; racism has made considerable inroads into the working class and the rank-and-file of the
Job insecurity, worsening working conditions and the absence of consistent and militant union opposition — not to speak of a lack of an credible overall perspective - have left many workers open to the demagogy of the far right.
On November 24, 1991 the union leaderships got the message: after the humiliation of the traditional political parties and the enormous loss of confidence in the institutions of parliamentary democracy, they saw that they could be the next in the fascists' firing line.
The workplace union delegations present on the march will feel more confident now about combatting discrimination and divi-
In order to go forward, the movement brought into being by this demonstration must be structured from top to bottom. For this new perspectives for mobilization are
Discussion on platform must continue
At the same time the discussion on the platform has to continue. It has proved that it could act as a lever for this first mass demonstration.
Now it should be used as a basis for discussion. Room should be made for all those who want to get involved.
Only in this way can one raise the discussion on the need for a challenge to present government policy and that of the existing leadership of the organized movement without threatening the unity in
The government will have taken note of this demonstration, which has increased
This government, formed with much difficulty, sees as its main concern the application of a new austerity policy to put Belgium at the head of the march towards European political and monetary union. This means further attacks on working class living standards.
And as ever the money will not be found to meet the real needs of the inhabitants, whether immigrants or Belgian, of the crumbling urban areas where the far rights get big votes.
A few token measures and much rhetoric will not be enough to hold back the fascist
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