"Let the workers speak"
ITALY unions; the creation by militant groups within the confederations of rank-and-file committees following the example of the COBAS in teaching and railways; the breakaway by a section of the CIL to found a new engineering union (the Uni-
BLA weeks more than ten million Italian workers have been involved in nationwide actions. More than a million have taken part in anti-government demonstrations, aimed at the same time against trade union leaderships. The central slogan has been "let the workers be heard".
The unions found themselves forced to call a four-hour general strike on October 13. SERGIO D'AMIA - October 18, 1992
M ANY have been surprised
by the scope of the mobilizations; they have come after a period of defeats in which the working class seemed deeply weakened by unemployment and the closure of a number of factories. It seemed as if the working class would be unable to react to the even graver dangers that threatened it this autumn, involving hundreds of thousands of sackings in all sectors including in the working class strongholds of the north.
At a political and electoral level the malaise and loss of confidence showed up in the poor results for the Democratic Left Party (PDS — the majority of the former Communist Party on April 5 and 6, 1992. The PDS's losses were not compensated for by the successes of the Communist Refoundation Party (PRC). On the other hand, we saw a breakthrough by supposedly "non-political" (but actually far right) lists such as the North League.
This paralysis has been deliberately sharpened by the unions themselves who, in order to regain control of the working class, have increasingly emptied the unitary branch federations and factory councils, used by the class in its quest for organizational independence and effective means of struggle, of all content. The branch federations no lon-
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ger have negotiating rights — these having being transferred to the confederations, the General Confederation of Labour (CGIL), the Confederation of Free Unions (CISL) and the Italian Labour Union (UIL). The latter can thus manage the national contracts in a way that is "compatible with the needs of the national economy" whatever the rank-and-file may think. their negotiating rights and a new system of election has been installed that undermines their initial characteristic as direct representatives of the workers on the principle that anyone can stand. This principle has been replaced by an electoral mechanism that ensures a majority for representatives of the union bureaucracy. Thus in the Alfa-Lancia plant at Arese, a factory of 12,000 workers near Milan, the UIL representative has been elected by a single vote — his own.
In many other cases, the council has not been re-elected for years or exists only on paper, its role taken by an executive made up of former workers who have not worked on the shop floor for a long time.
### Demand for elections
Demands have been raised calling for the election of enterprise committees (Commissioni interne) [the system of union delegates that existed before the creation of the factory councils in autumn 1969]. Despite sabotage by the union leadership, such an election has taken place at Alfa: more than 2,000 workers have taken part in electing representatives in the framework of a factory rank-and-file committee (Cobas
In recent times, the suspicion of the unions has deepened even further, with the formation of independent branch ted Federation of Engineering Workers - FLU); and the appearance of parallel structures in the public sector.
In the CGIL more than 200,000 workers have supported the left opposition formation Essere Sindacato ["Being a Unionist"] led by Fausto Bertinotti. These workers see this opposition as the only way to give meaning to their continued membership of the CGIL.
While union membership in Italy is high, this is solely due to the automatic renewal of membership, the social functions undertaken by the unions and the "privileges" that derive from belonging to what are more and more evidently tools for class collaboration. The exposure of the reality of corruption made by Bertinotti made the bureaucrats indignant but was no surprise to workers.
When, on December 10, 1991, the leaderships of the CGIL-CISL-UIL signed with the employers' association, the Confindustria and the government an ambiguous agreement on the ending of the "existing" mechanism for wage indexation, rank-and-file opposition took several forms - there were assemblies and strikes supporting non-ratification of the agreement and appeals to the courts.
Two years of social peace?
Then, when, on July 31, just before the factories closed for the annual holidays, CGIL leader Trentin and other union leaders signed a further agreement to end wage indexation altogether and end branch negotiations, as well as promising a two-year period of "social peace", discontent exploded. When the holidays were over, protests resumed.
The first demonstration, organized in Rome by the PRC on September 12, showed the willingness to struggle, bringing out 100,000. This demonstration acted as a detonator. At Alfa the Cobas and other delegates launched a strike that brought out half the workforce.
On September 17 the government, under pressure from the currency crisis and the enormous accumulated debt (about $750bn) launched a plan to cut the deficit by about $70m. In a series of decrees this plan attacked the main planks of the welfare state, proposing an end to wage and pension indexation; a rise in the retirement age to 65 for men and 60 for women; a cut in pensions via a new form of calculation; an end to free health care, except for hospital care; the 5 abolition of tax rebates for wage earners;
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International Viewpoint # 238 • November 9, 1992
ITALY / DENMARK a new tax on housing and the abolition of rent controls; and the start of privatization of a series of essential services. Next year all these measures taken together will cost a working class family with two incomes at least four million lire (about $3000).
This plan provoked a massive response. Even factories that had seen big defeats went on strike. Many students and sometimes even unorganized workers also joined the demonstrations. The confederations tried to halt the trend towards a general strike and, when that proved impossible, to cut it down to four hours and exclude the public sector. Attempts at provocation by the unions and police who deployed militarized stewards and sent disguised provocateurs into the crowds did not check the move-
The government's manoeuvre has been increasingly exposed for what it is: a huge attack on the working class that does not tackle the root causes of the deficit. Top of the list here is tax avoidance (worth about $180bn a year, with an annual rise of $30bn), then there is the transfer of around 10% of the nation's wealth each year into the pockets of investors through high interest rates, and, finally, waste and corruption.
### Waste and corruption
In the waste and corruption category we can mention the ceremonies for the 500th Anniversary of the "Discovery" of the Americas which cost 7,000bn lire ($5bn), the organization of the football World Cup ($7.5bn), and a large proportion of the relief after the Irpinia earthquake ($37bn). Furthermore, at the same time as the cuts package was announced a decree was adopted repaying enterprises for their payments into pension and social security funds ($5bn).
The government's plan offers new profit making opportunities. The various reforms mean a transfer to the private sector of a potentially enormous amount of business (more than $300bn for private health care and insurance alone).
The government is also aiming to cripple the workers ability to resist and strengthen its own uncontrolled authority through the adoption of new electoral laws.
However, the ruling class that is asking for such sacrifices (from others) is without any credibility. It has been shaken by an unprecedented series of scandals, especially in the north. A hundredodd figures from the government coalition parties, including colleagues of ministers, mayors of big cities and 6 Eight deputies have been charged. bosses of big enterprises, are in jail.
The union leaders have been trying to play down what is at stake. Forced by popular pressures to show some signs of life, they clearly want to restrict the scope of the movement to the most immediate questions, such as indexation and social security cuts. The CGIL's platform goes to great lengths to spell out means of controlling small scale tax evasion by shopkeepers and professionals, but the big culprits are left in peace. The unions - following the line of the government and press — are doing their utmost to break the link of solidarity between public and private sector workers, excluding the former from the general strike and accusing them of responsibility for inefficient services and exaggerating their privileges in such matters as pensions and retirement age.
Most workers now understand that the sabotage of demonstrations by the union leaderships is preventing them from building a movement that can defeat the government's plans. The impressive worker demonstrations of recent weeks and the clear willingness to act beyond the limits imposed by the union leader-
That sector of the unions that aspires to play this role must break with the union bureaucracies. In order to be in a position to take initiatives and establish a good relationship with the rank-and-file, it must find ways of rebuilding union strength based on direct and democratic representation of the workers. For this to take place article 19 of the labour law which gives a monopoly on worker representation to the CGIL, CSIL and UIL, must be scrapped.
Gulf between leaders and workers
Some parts of the left in the CGIL and Essere Sindacato have grasped the depth of the gulf between the union leaderships and the rank-and-file and the urgent need to break with the conservative union apparatchiks.
Many in Essere Sindacato and beyond have begun to raise the question of a new democratic unionism. The debate on this is underway in Essere Sindacato and the PRC. Many leaders are also aware of what is at stake.
The resistance comes from middle-ranking union officials (including some members of Essere Sindacato) who are accustomed to a routine of organizing rank-and-file mobilizations to put pressure on the leaderships but who have never considered proposing an alternative strategy and leadership. *
When "no"
means
"yes"