The velvet coup?
YELTSIN'S attempt at a "soft" coup d'etat, through the introduction of "special rule" and the calling of a referendum for April 25 considerably raised the stakes in the power struggle at the summit of the Russian
Western leaders rallied round Yeltsin, insisting that he is the standard-bearer of democracy, who is "of course" only seeking dictatorial powers to save democracy and human rights from "communist revanchism". Meanwhile, Russian lawyers were busy discussing exactly how many breaches of the constitution could be found in Yeltsin's address to the nation - the latest count indicated some 18.
POUL FUNDER LARSEN — Moscow, March 24, 1993
International Viewpoint #244 April 1993 state.
ELTSIN's moves were
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carefully prepared through consultations with his supporters in the state apparatus and designed to get strong Western support. Indeed, the Yeltsin administration was in close contact with the leading imperialist powers throughout the whole process of drafting the "special rule".
In his TV speech, Yeltsin tried to outline the basis for a broad coalition behind his initiative promising everything to everyone. The regions have been promised increased independence through a speedy implementation of the federation treaty, workers were told that the fight against unemployment would get top priority, and populist "standards" like land reform, protection of and support for small businesses, and compensation for savings wiped out by inflation, were also included.
Yeltsin is obviously hoping to accomplish two things at the same time: to throw responsibility for the collapse of the Russian economy and infrastructure on to the "Bolsheviks" in parliament and to obtain wide-reaching authoritarian powers as the undisputed leader of Russia.
The former objective was spelt out by Yeltsin in his TV address: "Today it is extremely clear — the root of all the problems lies not in the conflict between
### RUSSIA executive and legislative power, nor in the conflict between the congress and the president. Its essence goes deeper; it is in something else — the deep contradiction between the people and the former Bolshevik system, hostile to the people, which has not yet disintegrated and which is today striving to renew its lost power over Russia".!
The authoritarian gospel of the Yeltsinites has been on display in the fierce media campaign after the 8th People's Congress, with prominent "democrats" like mayor of St. Petersburg Anatoly Sobchak, calling for "an end to Soviet power" and for "the president to take decisive steps" 2
At the pro-Yeltsin rally in Moscow on March 21, "democratic" leaders were calling on Yeltsin to temporarily intern political opponents. The pretext for these authoritarian overtures is the alleged revanchism" of the parliament, but their real logic lies elsewhere - in the failure
As the chair of the official Russian trade unions (FNPR) Igor Klochkov remarked at a press conference March 23: "Anatoly Chubais (head of the privatization programme) recently told us that to implement sweeping privatization the government and president would need extraordinary authorities. The point is that the people do not need such a move".
Yeltsin has declared "special rule" until the referendum set for April 25, but it is far from clear that he would be ready to give up these powers afterwards. Even a slight victory in a referendum - which will be marked by a high abstention rate - can be used to dissolve parliament and introduce the "presidential republic" that Yeltsin wants, with new elections for parliament indefinitely postponed. Yeltsin could still hope to win such a referendum because he would himself write the questions and control its conduct.
Yeltsin retains control over most of the mass media, and the liberal intelligentsia in the big cities is rallying to his support. But the democratic mass movement of 1989-91 which was instrumental in Yeltsin's rise to power, is dead and gone. And while the imperialist powers are vocal in their support for Yeltsin, they have little concrete on offer. As is well known, last summer's "grand bargain" between the Group of Seven (the world's seven richest nations) and Russia involved $24bn in aid (mostly credits) but only a fraction of this sum has been forthcoming.
As a final option, Yeltsin could try to muster armed support in the confrontation with parliament, which would mean throwing himself on the mercy of the 1. Russian Television, March 20, 1993. 2. See, for example, Moscow News, no 13/1993.
----- photo credits and running heads -----
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organisations of the FPR and labor collectives not to be swayed by provocative statements and actions, whatever might be their origin.
International Viewpoint #244 April 1993
Statement of the Political Committee of the Party of Labour THE Russian president Boris Yeltsin, who received extraordinary powers from the People's Congress [in the autumn of 1991] has used them to carry out a socio-economic genocide in our country. The mild attempts of the Congress to stop these anti-popular policies has provoked the president's anti-constitutional actions. In fact, in doing this, Yeltsin announced his own impeachment. We are calling on the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation and the Congress of People's Deputies to: • Take cognizance of the president's self-impeachment • Swear in A. Rutskoy as acting president • Carry out early general elections simultaneously for the legislative and executive powers on the basis of a law worked out by the Supreme Soviet with the participation of the political parties, trade unions and social organizations. - Moscow, tic Choice bloc. This is also one of the reasons why Yeltsin prefers a referendum to early elections.
Reaction in the workers' movement and on the left has tended to be cautious. A clear signal, however, has come from the new "independent" trade unions, including the Independent Miners Union - which have called for Yeltsin to proceed with his special rule. The "official" TUs on the other hand have come out against Yeltsin and called for early elections:
"The real causes of the current crisis are the continuing breakdown of the economy, the sharp fall in the living standards of working people, the depreciation of the rouble, rising crime, and the state's violation of all its responsibilities towards its citizens. We think that to strengthen and develop democracy it is necessary to carry out in the immediate future simultaneous, new elections for president and
The leftwing Party of Labour greeted Yeltsin's emergency measures with a sharp statement calling for Yeltsin's impeachment and early elections.
Other leftwing organizations, such as the Congress of Democratic Left Forces, have made similar statements. In this connection the most controversial issue is whether the left should call for vice-president Rutskoy to be sworn in as acting president if Yeltsin is impeached. There was resistance to this demand inside the Party of Labour on the grounds of Rutskoy's well-known reactionary views on relations with the non-Russian nationalities and his long-standing collaboration with Yeltsin, but it was eventually adopted under pressure from trade union
As the battle rages on, it is clear that the political crisis in Russia will be protracted, no matter what confrontation or deal is produced in the short term. All the problems thrown up by the liberal reform remain unresolved, and Yeltsin's attempt at a "soft coup" is as much a sign of the weakness of the ruling circles as of their resolution. The general political turmoil and powerlessness of the state institutions show how profound and systemic the crisis is. For the time being, neither side has the strength to gain a decisive advantage over the other and the war of position will therefore continue. *
March 21, 1993*
DECLARATION OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE FEDERATION
"power ministries" (of defence, security
OF INDEPENDENT TRADE UNIONS OF RUSSIA (FNPR) AND OF THE LEAand the interior). But the army at least,
DERS OF THE RUSSIAN BRANCH UNIONS and probably the other armed forces, are highly reluctant to be drawn directly into
THE statement by the President of the Russian Federation on March 20, 1993 of a power struggle and has no. tradition of announcing the introduction of "special rule", and of the placing of limitations independent action. If it eventually enters on the activity of the representative organs of power, has heightened the politithe stage, it is unlikely to do so in support cal crisis. This crisis threatens to spread outside the higher echelons of power into the regions and labor collectives, to sharply destabilise the situation in
Meanwhile, opposition to Yeltsin's
Russia, and to bring about the country's disintegration. The real causes of
"special rule" is gaining momentum as the crisis are the continuing collapse of the economy, the devaluation of the most political forces support the parliaruble, the sharp fall in the living standards of the workers, the spread of crime, ment and initial reactions from the and the violation of all the obligations of the state to its citizens. We consider regions indicate that it could be next to that if democracy is to be strengthened and developed, it is essential to call impossible for Yeltsin to get his decrees new elections for the presidency and for the Congress of People's Deputies.
These elections should be held simultaneously and as quickly as possible.
However, the leading opposition
The task of drafting a law on the elections and on the mechanisms for conducforces are in a weak position for waging ting them should be assigned to the parliament of Russia together with the a principled struggle against Yeltsin's country's main social forces and the trade unions.
anti-democratic measures, as authoritarian tendencies in favour of a "firm
We stress once again that a resolution of the crisis is possible only on the hand" are also widespread in their ranks.
basis of strict observance of the current constitution; of collaboration bet-
The 8th People's Congress handed Yeltween all the organs of authority; and of deliberate action by the government sin an important victory by its failure to aimed at stabilising the economy, ending the impoverishment of the people, call for early elections.
fighting corruption and other crime, and ensuring the welfare of the population.
Many conservative deputies are afraid they would lose their seats since
We reaffirm the commitment of the Federation of Independent Trade Unions of elections would certainly strengthen the
Russia to reforms in the name of working people, and call on the member forces around the Civic Union as well as moderate post-CPSU forces such as Roy
Medvedev's Socialist Workers Party to the detriment of hard-line Stalinists,
"patriots" and the pro-Yeltsin Democra-
- March 22, 1993*
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