An impossible choice
OLEG Smolin, who is blind, is a socialist member of the Russian
Parliament that Yeltsin has dissolved. He stayed in Moscow throughout the two weeks of intense political crisis. At first he was in the White
House, but later he found himself locked out of the Parliament building
International Viewpoint #250 November 1993
"The opposition is facing serious repression: Another of the deputies from
Omsk, the conservative Sergei Bajurin, just came back to town. He was being detained and tortured in Moscow, in the by Yeltsin's troops (alongside around one-hundred and twenty other deputies) and had to stay and work in a nearby district soviet. Poul
Funder Larsen spoke to him.
Police headquarters, where they put him up against the wall and faked an execution.
"Apart from the struggle against repression the most urgent question will
INTERVIEW — Moscow, 15 October 1993
IN general the left is in an extremely difficult position, and particularly as regards the up-coming elections, which will, by all accounts, be a farce. Personally, I do not feel like participating in this, but we are facing a nearly impossible choice: either to stay out, with our hands clean but with the risk of getting absolutely marginalised — or to participate in something which is designed to favour the liberals.
"We tried to get back in, but in spite of our status as deputies the special troops cordoning off parliament attacked us with truncheons. I myself was hit over the head.
"As regards the violence on 3 & 4 October, contrary to what is being alleged, no worked out plans for armed resistance existed - nor in the White House, nor among the deputies outside the cordons. The demonstration simply got out of control, and Rutskoi and Khasbulatov, totally misinterpretating the situation, made their disastrous decision to attack the television centre at Ostankino. What should have been done was to strengthen the defence of Parliament, but instead they ventured into this armed attack, and we got an authoritarian regime, not to say dictatorship, in return."
Now Smolin is back in the city of Omsk, an industrial centre in Western Siberia, where he was elected to Parliament and still works as a university teacher:
Indifferent
"Here the reactions to the events in Moscow are mixed - from outright joy to anger and shock, though many people remain almost indifferent. In this country, with its strong authoritarian and patriarchal traditions, a certain part of the population will support an iron fist regime, hoping that this will 'put things in order'. What people often fail to understand is that such a dictatorship will dismantle even the remnants of social protection for the people.
"Many are now in a state of confusion and apathy. People wanted to get rid of the old bureaucratic elites of Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), and therefore they voted for Yeltsin. Instead they got even more bureaucracy, misery, and growing authoritarianism. Now they do not know where to turn to. The dissolved Parliament, however, also has to take its part of the blame for these developments. It was the Peoples' Congress which granted Yeltsin extraordinary executive powers. Powers which were used to dissolve the Soviet Union, and wreak havoc on the Russian economy. I warned against this already at the Peoples' Congress in May 1991, but at that time the Communists (led by Alexander Rutskoi) supported such a move.
be the elections to Yeltsin's so called "State Duma". This can hardly be termed a parliament, as it has very few powers: for example, it cannot decide on issues concerning the state budget unless it has endorsement from the government to do SO.
Electoral bloc?
"With most of the communist organisations banned it is a problem to form any serious electoral bloc. We, in the Party of Labour, have been working closely with the trade unions, but they are not likely to dare to run in the elections. The government threatened to dissolve them by decree, and demanded that they sack their chair, Igor Klochkov, who had spoken out against Yeltsin, and refrain from participation in the elections. They have already rid themselves of Klochkov, and will probably stay out of the elections. This leaves us with the choice of running with more 'soft', social democratic elements, for example, the Socialist Workers' Party or with more moderate centrists. This is indeed a situation where there are no onehundred percent good options." *
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RUSSIA
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DOSSIER 8
International appeal
THE state coup that began on 21 September 1993 was taken to its logical conclusion less than two weeks later: the frail sprouts of Russian democracy have been drowned in
Individuals and organisations that want to support the initiatives in defence of democratic rights taken by the Russian left can send donations through:
Soviet-initiativet, Postbox 547, DK-220, Copenhagen N, Denmark.
Postal (giro) account No 1936158 or cheques made out to 'Soviet-initiativet'.
International Viewpoint #250 November 1993 the blood of the righteous and the guilty.
ALEXANDER Buzgalin, a leader of the Party of Labour and a former left oppositionist in the CPSU, explains how the international appeal (opposite) that he is a signatory to is a necessary reply to Yeltsin's coup d'etat:
The cause of this is the entire preceding policy of the presidential power structure that deepened the general crisis in the country. It was no longer possible to carry out by democratic methods the policy of "shock without therapy" in the presence of an opposition. But a pretext was needed to introduce dictatorship. The authorities exploited the immora alliance of supporters of Rutskoi with extremists and fascist forces appealing to people's darker instincts in order to provoke violence. A political analysis and general evaluation of these events is for the future. But it is already clear that they have opened the way for dictatorship. The actions that followed -arrests and beatings of citizens, the majority of whom did not participate in the violence, the closure of opposition publications and the imposition of political censorship, the threat of a "witch hunt", the course toward liquidating the soviets of all levels and of the Constitutional Court — all that is incompatible with democracy. The threats of the spontaneous disintegration of the country as well as of a centralised "democratic dictatorship" based upon the local power structures, that is the regional army commands, are both real. In the present situation, despite all the regional differences in further social and political development, one can say with certainty that: • civil and political rights are being suppressed and will continue to be suppressed; • local soviets and regional administrations that do not support the President will be cru• entrepreneurial, trade union, social, and political structures that oppose the President are condemned to be suppressed. In these conditions, one of the ways to save the shoots of Russian democracy and freedom is for all those who refuse to accept the totalitarian perspective that looms over the country to unite into a broad democratic, oppositional, non-violent bloc whose goal will be to defend: • internationally recognised human rights, and in particular the freedom of speech, conscience and association; • civil, political, social and economic freedoms;
"An atmosphere of fear and genera media terror, where people are afraid to put forward their dissent and oppo sitional views, has been created. Journalists, teachers, scientists and others, who are known not to support the Yeltsin regime, are intimidated Lists, dividing political organisations into 'sympathetic' and 'non-sympathetic' ones, are drawn-up, and many organisations have been banned. Meanwhile the are preparing for the 'elections' that have been decreed by Yeltsin. That is — the new organs are elected in the way that Yeltsin wants it, with the people that he wants in them, and they will be working in the way he decides. To call this democratic is obviously ridiculous, and it is absolutely necessary to fight the creeping totalitarianism. "For us, as democratic socialists it is important not only to fight the antidemocratic aspects of the current regime, but also the socio-economic policy of 'shock without therapy'. Because in the final analysis it is the total failure of this policy which looms behind the bloody and authoritarian methods employed by Yeltsin. In reality any further continuation of these policies was impossible within a democratic framework.
• trade union, professional, social and political organisations from arbitrary State power;
• legality, democracy, federalism, and national equality;
• the right to oppositional activity within the framework of the Constitution.
We do not impose any organisational structures on the proposed association and we propose no candidates to lead it. But we firmly call for the immediate start of a process of consolidation of all people for whom freedom and the democratic future of Russia are dear.
We are ready to collaborate with the representatives of all ideologies that share our basic orientations.
We reject democracy at whose basis lie mass repressions.
We reject Bonapartism hiding behind democratic rhetoric in the place of real democracy
Signed:
VG Arslanov, Dr of Art History; AV Buzgalin, Dr of Economics, professor
AV Furman, Dr of History; VA Kelle, Dr of Philosophy, professor
Al Koganov, Dr of Economics; VT Loginov, Dr of History, professor
AB Nevzorov, Honoured Artist, Russian Federation
NS Zubin, Dr of Philosophy, professor
"Our initiative group is composed of scientists and artists, and we are now seeking support from human rights activists — including people who were facing repression in the Brezhnev years — as well as from social and political organisations, movements and parties. Hopefully, also some trade union organisations will back us, although they are themselves facing strong pressure from the authorities at the moment. "In this context the Western left can play an important role. First of all it is necessary to call attention in the West to the breaches of democracy and human rights in Russia. To spell out that Yeltsin's regime is not a democratic one. Because Yeltsin is strongly oriented towards the West, and vulnerable to that kind of criticism. Secondly, to give support to our struggle by petitions to embassies, public statements etc. Finally, we need support for our activities here morally (through visits and exchanges) as well as materially." Interview by PFL *
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