ON 27 April the overwelhming majority of South Africa's blacks will vote, without hesitation, for the African National Congress-led coalition.
But a smaller number, while voting similarly, are increasingly sceptical about the compromises which have been made, and what the future may hold. Can the revolutionary socialist left orientate to these critical
International Viewpoint #255 April 1994 forces? PETER BLUMER - 22 March 1994
T HE reasons for holding
non-racial elections on 27 April are perfectly understandable. There are longterm cumulative factors, such as the crisis of the apartheid economic system and its specific forms of labour force management; and there is the impact more recent political events, particularly the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the change in the international political situation.
Although it was not inevitable, no political organisation or mass movement has been untouched by this shock wave. All are ridden with serious political conflicts, concerning not only tactical questions but also problems of strategic re-orientation in a radically different political and institutional environment.!
Many of these debates began to take shape at the end of the 1980s, but they gathered force after the start of official negotiations between the ANC and the government. The elections, and the specific issues related to them, further reveal the scope of problems that each political formation must confront.
This applies above all to the ANC and the South African Communist Party (SACP). It is not simply a case of the rank and file being shell-shocked by the political re-orientation of their leadership. The leaderships themselves are slowly breaking up as a result of diverging political interests. This is also true for the COSATU trade union federation and the federation of civic associations, SANCO. For both these organisations, the elections have brought different projects and interests to the tore.
There is full-blown internal division in the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC). The Azanian People's Organisation (AZAPO) is largely paralysed by selfdoubt. Finally, most organisations of the 26
SOUTH AFRICA
socialist and revolutionary left are criss-crossed by new debates, including around the question of what call to make for the 27 April elections.
These increasingly public discussions stem from two developments.
The first was the change in the government's policy. It was one thing to understand the contradictions and divisions that have long run through the ranks of the South African ruling class. It was quite another, however, to understand why and how this ruling class decided to reform the system, and regain the initiative after the mobilisations of the
The worst prepared were those in the ranks of the ANC and the SACP, where activists had been taught that apartheid was a kind of internal colonialism that called for a "democratic revolution". This theory allowed for a great amount of softness in relation to the liberal bourgeoisie. But no one said anything about putting an end to "internal colonialism" through an agreement for joint government with the "representatives of the
Irreversible Nor did the shock fail to hit a number of those who believed that apartheid
— as a specific mode of capitalist domination in South Africa - would only crumble under the blows of a socialist revolution. Over a long period, many even doubted the irreversible character of the structural reform carried out by the government itself.2
The second major development affecting current debates has to do with the political retreat of the ANC and SACP leaderships and their decision to work with the out-going government on
To know what these leaderships really thought during the major social conflicts between 1984 and 1987 is rather unimportant. It is clear that several positions co-existed at that time. Some sought negotiation as a result of pressures from liberal employers and the major Western powers, while others prepared for a final conflict that would lead to the establishment of a non-racial government through a "national and democratic revolution" 3
However, the most important feature is how millions of Blacks understood the political message of the ANC and the SACP. The overwhelming majority did not understand the meaning of gestures towards liberal bourgeois sectors; nor that the radicalism of 1985-86 — with the slogans of "insurrection" and "dual power" put forward by the ANC — did not necessarily have socialism as its goal.
The majority of people - including political and trade union activists could not fully appreciate the implications of either the discussions already underway or the pressures from both the Soviet Union and the West. Their daily experiences of struggle and resistance gave them only a rare glimpse of the issues and contradictions at play.
Despite having won the leadership of the main trade unions, the left was not able to circulate these debates to the most active circles of shop stewards. And the small left-wing political groups encountered tremendous difficulties in their attempts to orientate towards broa
It was in this context that negotiations began. Moreover, they were put forward as a way to solidify ANC gains and negotiate a transfer of power. The "armed struggle", formally waged from the 1960s onward was "suspended" without any congress discussion. The Freedom Charter — long put forward as the sole "banner" for national liberation
1. This judgement is also valid for rightwing and far right parties, and parties of an ethnic type linked to the "governments" of the Bantustans. This includes Buthelezi's Inkhata Freedom Party and the recent case in Bophutsotswana
2. The end of apartheid as a specific system does not mean that racial oppression has disappeared and that it no longer has an impact on the functioning of the system
3. The effects of this diversity are still perceptible among intermediary cadres of the SACP who reproach their leadership for having "abandoned" the so-called insurrectionary line.
let both the tendency to overspend and the temptation for acro-economic popu Mr Le Roux claims that low reserves, a limited tax base, and a heavy budget deficit will he believes that the country's economic prospects are better than at any time since the ment will have little option other than to follow "pragmatic" economic policies. Moreover, BOURGEOIS economist, Rian le Roux, has predicted that the post-election govern- Will pragmatism reign?
International Viewpoint #255 April 1994
- was quickly abandoned following discussions that dropped plans for nationalisation.
The demand for a real Constituent
Assembly was abandoned in favour of a
With the end of international isolation it is believed that economic growth can be sustaiplan for a unitary joint government that ned and stablised because of the following "positive" factors:
would leave a future parliament with very few constitutional rights. This is
• A strong, "battle hardened" private sector, in contrast to other emerging countries why the shock has been so brutal for many activists, and fragmentation and
• Huge development needs which could spur growth
Furthermore, a rise in exports to South East Asia of sixteen percent is likely to off-set a
These are the new stakes for feeble half-a-percent growth to Europe.
coming struggles. One era is coming to an end; another is being born.
In conclusion Mr Le Roux said: ".
percent a year is much better than six percent one year and minus three percent the
The independent and socialist leftwing must not only draw a balance sheet of the past; it must
Source: the Argus, 09/03/94 prepare the future by address-
'..any economist will tell you, stable growth of three ing as effectively as possible the hundreds of ANC, SACP and trade union activists who will look for an alternative path to the one chosen by their current leadership.
On 27 April millions of Blacks will vote for the first time, and they will vote for the ANC. Most of them will do so without hesitation. In so doing, they will be expressing for the first time their democratic right as citizens to vote for the organisation that they feel has led the liberation struggle.
Others - much fewer in number but more involved in the leadership of the struggle - will vote for the ANC-led coalition, whilst sceptical with regard to the coalition leadership's course.
They will be voting to give the National
Party and its allies absolutely no chance, and perhaps to get certain SACP and
COSATU leaders elected and see what the Mandela leadership will do with its electoral victory.
In such a context, the scope of the
ANC victory will not be without consequence for the social struggles that emerge following the elections. And this is so whatever the nature of the ANC leadership's current policy may be. Why is this the case? Was another option pos-
When the negotiations were well underway and the perspective of general elections arose, it was necessary to establish a political "regroupment" that could offer an alternative programme to the mounting compromises of the ANC leadership. But for such a possibility to have ever seen the light of day, rather than remain on the level of simple propaganda, a number of conditions would
Firstly, there would have to have been a significant base of support in the trade union movement. Secondly, such a regroupment should have at no time
• A solid infrastructure
appeared to be contemplating abstention from the elections based on the faulty and dogmatic pretext that a genuine Constituent Assembly would not be elected.
### Programme
The regroupment would also have to be able to put forward a programme of struggle and immediate demands that was not solely a denunciation of the Mandela leadership. This implies the need for a systematically unitary approach towards the ANC-SACP alliance. In this way - and only in this way - a relationship of forces could have been established to make this alternative credible and avoid appearing as a
In such a process, the question of pluralism in the trade union movement would have been posed, as well as that of a new political leadership for working people. The debate about a mass workers' party, which has surfaced in a few unions, would have garnered much greater credibility.
However, the "regroupment" did not materialise. There are a number of reasons for this, among which we should mention AZAPO's inability to understand the problems associated with building a united front in struggles where the ANC is hegemonic, and its inability to build a useful and organisation.4
In addition we must not forget the windows of opportunity of the 1980s that the revolutionary left was unable to exploit. It was unable to build an enduring base in the trade union movement and build a stable and credible current of ideas within it. It too had difficulties understanding the central importance of the united front in relation to the rank and file of the ANC and SACP. Too often, it did not go beyond uncovering the schemes hidden behind a particular strike or conference.
Finally, we should not forget the large number of objective difficulties that confronted all those who - in South Africa as elsewhere in the world — sought to defend an innovative and democratic socialist project. Bureaucratic threats and Stalinist sectarianism did not always allow much room for choice in many struggles.
Suffice to say that a balance sheet of that entire period remains to be written.
An immediate consequence is that there will not be a electoral platform which demonstrates the existence of a socialist — or even radical - current which goes beyond the ranks of the revolutionary left and offers the immediate hope of an alternative leadership
It is in this context that one should look at the decision of the Workers' Organisation for Socialist Action (WOSA) to take up the "workers' party"
4. AZAPO has finally decided not to participate in elections and for the time being has not said what to do on election day.
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gold boom of the 1970s.
International Viewpoint #255 April 1994 debate and run candidates within this framework for the 27 April elections.5 In a 27 February communiqué, it declares, "WOSA will campaign under the banner of a Workers' List for an Independent Workers' Party (WLP). The workers' list is a list of demands of the working class, but the WLP would also put forward a symbolic list of candidates who will fight for these demands."
Alternative?
Does this represent an alternative to what could not be patiently built in the last period? Only this organisation will be able to answer this question after the elections. The objective may well be that of progressively restoring indepen-
(right)
HELLOO.
The National Party's press coyly reveals NEW undying SOUTH AFRICAN affection for their negotiating partners dent perspectives for the working class movement. But it remains to be seen which approach is the most pedagogical and constructive towards the hundreds of political and trade union activist members of the ANC and SACP who will in their majority vote for the ANC ticket.
Obviously, everything cannot be reduced to the tactical choice one makes for the 27 April elections. But as with every project of regroupment or unification, the legitimate goal of building a new working class party means going through new experiences with forces which extend far beyond the ranks of the revolutionary left.
The propagandist approach - despite being imposed by circumstances - needs campaigns that make the formation of a workers' party as concrete a goal as possible, and which can penetrate as far as possible into the ranks of 28 the target audience. This is why in our previous article the idea of calling for a vote for the ANC while running an independent campaign of immediate democratic and social demands was raised - an independent campaign that would address the most critical sectors of the ANC, the SACP and COSATU.
The debate on the recomposition of the working class movement in this country is just beginning. There is a long road to travel before the foundation of a workers' party can be a practical consideration. This debate has taken place in a number of countries, in very different historical and political conditions. But examples of cases where mass sectors have succeeded in bringing this project to life are few and far beCOME S TINNNA ••• C YOUR HEAD OUMA
For the moment, the political terrain in South Africa is largely occupied by the ANC and the SACP. To advance the idea of a workers' party first of all means seeking to work with mass oppositional currents in these movements, when such currents emerge.
This is a central task. For the moment, it means running the best possible campaign at a time when the Black masses exercise universal suffrage for the first time. *
5 WOSA is a revolutionary socialist organisation which, while relatively small, has a genuine degree of political influence. Beside WOSA, a number of small and generally dogmatic groups exist, originating in one form or another from British "Trotskyist" organisations. In the past few years, WOSA has been the only organisation that has provided a reference point to the left of the ANC-SACP and the PAC.
6. See Peter Blumer, 'A new phase begins', International Viewpoint, no. 253, February 1994.
Workers' List Manifesto
THE "manifesto" of the
Workers List Party, initiated by WOSA, puts forward a number of social demands that should make up part of the central pillars of a real break with the former racial system. As such, the "manifesto" focusses on the right to work, to health care, to education and housing. It demands land redistribution and the end to all discrimination against women. According to WOSA's analysis, it sets the general political objectives around which its candidates wage campaigns in the struggle for a workers' party.
Below we publish extracts from the "manifesto"
All contributions to WOSA's campaign should be sent to: WOSA,
Nedbank, 100 Main Street,
Johannesburg, South Africa.
Account number: 1979-318-433 THE "Workers' List Party" enters the elections in order to promote the formation of a "Mass Workers' Party" (MWP). We believe that only a workers' party will be able to carry forward the struggle of the exploited and oppressed masses of South Africa. We do not believe that any of the white or black nationalist parties can solve the crisis of unemployment, homelessness, disease, illiteracy and poverty that afflict the urban and the rural poor; those who live in the crime-ridden townships and squatter settlements of our cities, in the rural slums, in the Bantustans, and in the slave-like conditions on the white farms and in the dorps (small villages). These parties cannot (solve the crisis) because they accept the capitalist system. (...) The economy and democracy The alternative we propose — to the undemocratic command economy which existed in the Soviet Union and the brutality of market capitalism which causes inequality, unemployment, wastage, war and environmental degradation — is a socialist democracy. This means that a
International Viewpoint #255 April 1994 democratic planning process, although calling for a central plan to ensure the main social needs like employment, housing, health, education and food are met, also allows for decentralisation of decision-making. This must extend down to the work place and community, so that working class control over the means of production and distribution takes on a real meaning. We believe in socialism from below. This is the essence of democracy. Democracy is not about voting every five years We cannot eat the vote. Democracy is about controlling the fruits of our labour, about deciding what to produce and how to produce it and how to live. It is not about production and distribution for the profits of a few, but about production and distribution for human needs. We stand for nationalisation under workers control of the monopoly companies, banks, mines and land without compensation. The capitalists have been living in luxury for all these years at our expense. Small businesses will not be affected, but we insist that the rights of workers be respected in these businesses. We also insist that areas that have been privatised, or are about to be privatised, like railways, electricity, steel etc be renationalised under workers' control. (...) Land to the working people The land shall be redistributed among all those who live and work on the land in accordance with acceptable principles of agricultural economics and democratic consultation. No land shall be used for purposes of exploitation and oppression. The land of absentee landlords and the defence force must be confiscated and used for productive account for their actions, so that nothing similar happens again. People responsible for these acts must not acquire state positions. They cannot be trusted. (....) Accountability of leaders We stand for members of parliament to be paid the salary of skilled workers: that they should be subjected to the right of recall and that they should not have any business interests. (...) A constituent assembly We stand for a genuine constituent assembly which is not tied down by undemocratic constitutional principles and deals like the Sunset Clause, protection of private property and protection of apartheid civil servants. Only grassroots structures can organise free and fair elections for a genuine constituent assembly: We reject the idea of a "Government of National Unity" which includes the racists. (...) Workers' government A genuine constituent assembly could be no more than a stepping stone to a workers' government which will be under the control of mass organisations. We want to build a mass workers' party one of whose tasks will be to assist in the establishment of factory, township, village and other forms of worker action committees. These committees will become the beginning of workers' rule of society. (...) Self-defence and peace Capitalism, which creates unemployment, hardship and divisions, is the root cause of violence. To have lasting peace we must end capitalism. We stand for peace
"National Defence Force" (NDF) and the absorption of MK and the Azanian People's Liberation Army (APLA) into the SADF does not remove the need for self-defence and a workers' militia. The NDF will not act in the workers' interests. (...) Culture Apartheid-capitalism has stifled the creative energies of our people. This will only be fully realised and released in a society where people's basic needs are met. A culture which places profits first, dehumanising not only workers but also people from other classes We believe that the artists and cultural workers in our society have a vital role to play. They must be encouraged and financially assisted. The state must fund community based and factory based art groups Funding must not be used to control the independent expression of artists. A democratic culture cannot be imposed from above. Freedom of expression should be a fundamental practice of a new state. Immediately, this should involve free access to official information, the abolition of the Publications Control Board, the independence of the public broadcaster from political parties, and the provision of state resources for the setting up of community radio stations. While the state must not interfere with the press, it is important for editors not to conduct their own brand of censorship in the newsrooms by favouring some political parties above others Freedom to practice whatever religion should be allowed. The policy of two official languages has been used to prevent people from controlling their own lives. All languages in South Africa must be purposes. (...)
In its 26 March edition, Socialist Outlook, the British
Put the apartheid criminals
Fourth Internationalist paper, carries an article from on trial prominent WOSA activist, Salim Valley, outlining in
We are opposed to any general greater depth their strategy in the fortcoming elections amnesty and will fight to bring to trial those who defended the apartheid capitalist regime by means of tortur-
Socilaist Outlook, PO Box 1109, London, N4 2UU ing, detaining, maiming and killing
Copies are available from:
those who struggled against the system.
We must have our own Nuremburg trials in South Africa. We also stand for "bringing to book" all those involved in state corruption. We say these things not to seek revenge, but to ensure that those responsible but cannot allow the continuing attacks on us while we remain defenceless. We support the right of the oppressed to defend themselves by whatever means necessary. Therefore we stand for democratically controlled and accountable selfdetence committees in the workplace, in trains and in the communities.
Changing the name of the South
African Defence Force (SADF) to recognised and be given equal status. The language spoken by most in particular regions should be used as the linking language for that region. © and beyond.
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