Re-inventing socialism auches
International Viewpoint #256 May 1994
ALAIN
Tondeur is a leader of the Socialist Workers'
Party (Belgian section of the
Fourth International) and editor of its French language publication, La Gauche.
International Viewpoint spoke to him about the establishment of the United Left in the French speaking Walloon region of the country, and the campaign which has been launched for the
European elections in June.
INTERVIEW — 18 April 1994
BELGIUM
• What is the programme of the movement?
GU does not have a comprehensive answer to the huge problems which today face both the working class and humanity in general. Firstly, it rejects capitalist society based on a race for profit, and proposes in its place a
"united, democratic, pluralist and accountable society"
upon the liberation of individuals as well as the satisfaction of social, ecological and cultural needs; secondly, its political project is based on the re-appropiation of action and debate by citizens, in as much as it is only through democratic intervention by the social majority, through its becoming conscious and through its mobilisations, that a real project of deep social transformation can take place. The Appeal of the new movement concluded with these lines:
"The socialist project has embodied this hope for one-hundred and fifty years. It has been brought into disrepute. It must be re-invented."
cellation of the debt and rejection of outside interference), organisations which aid refugees (respect for the General Convention), the environmentalist movement eco-development more related to consumer need, an end to plundering of resources and development of renewable energy), union confederations (the same rate of taxation for capital as wages, abolition of financial advantages for multi-national headquarters, a wealth tax and an end to secret bank accounts, and also taxation on speculation) and workers' mobilisations against the Global Plan (rejection of "flexibility" and privatisations, preservation of social security, and a radical reduction in working hours without loss of pay). In addition to these claims, GU will set out concrete alternatives, following collective discussion, on all the problems which different movements would like taken up.
• What brought about the appearance of GU?
GU is the fall-out of the struggle against the Global Plan, which took place last October to December. The idea that the left should unite politically had existed for some time: It has now become concrete, mainly because a significant number of left-wing trade unionists concluded from the social mobilisation last autumn
"The socialist project has ... been brought into disrepute. It must be
W
HAT is the
United Left?
The United Left
(GU) is a political movement of left-wing trade-unionists, third-world solidarity activists and feminists. It is not a new party nor coalition of parties or of organised currents. Nor is it a "club" which merely reflects upon the future of the left. It is a movement of individual men and women who are active in the social movements, not necessarily members of political parties, who want to combine their efforts so as to put forward real choices and open up real debates.
14 re-invented."
Besides these two fundamental principles, GU has adopted as its own a whole series of concrete demands which have been developed by the social movements. In this way GU has taken on the claims of the feminist movement (for gender equality in all places of power), the movement "Avec vous" ("With You") for equality of rights (the right to vote for immigrants who have lived more than five years in any coun try within the European Union), the third-world solidarity movement (canthat they should engage actively on the political plain. The Global
Plan is a social- democratic plan within the framework of Delor's "White Book". The regressive social measures which it contains mark a real change in social relations: a freeze on salaries, destabili-
"flexibility"
sation of social security, and "the making precarious" of work to excess, notably for young people and women, compulsory employment (at
150 FB per hour2) for certain categories
1. See Alain Tondeur, 'New Belgium solves nothing,
International Viewpoint, no. 247, July 1993.
2. 150 FB is worth approximately £2.80/US$4.20
International Viewpoint #256 May 1994 of unemployed. There was a huge riposte from workers, notably on 26 November, when an unprecedented twenty-four hour strike completely paralysed economic activity. But the struggle came to an abrupt end: social-democracy stood firm and the union leaderships bowed before the imperative of governmental stability. The result was a deep crisis in the Belgian system of social dialogue, as well as a very serious crisis in relations between the Socialist Party (PS) and the Socialist-led union, the FGTB. Some symptoms of this crisis: the Brussels FGTB will this year organise its own Ist May celebrations, without the PS, while the Walloon FGTB will not speak at meetings in the south of the country on that date. But this is not enough for the militants in the sectors which were foremost in the struggle (FGTB metalworkers and employees in the Confederation of Christian unions (CSC): they want to set out a left-wing political alternative, both to combat the right-wing drift of the PS and as a counter-balance to the likely break-through of the extreme right. Some responsible unions from a number of large companies - Caterpillar, Volkswagen, Sidérurgie, FNNH to run the risk of electoral punishment. In 1991 their social-democracy resulted in a loss in support of nearly ten percent, according to opinion polls. Suddenly the clan warfare rebounded in the heart of the PS: the Walloon regionalists, attracted by populism, took those in Brussels and were contested by "orthodox" administrators, ardent supporters of André Cools. This phenomenon of unionist engagement in the political struggle, for a left-wing alternative to social democracy has not been since 1963-4, after the "strike of the century" of winter 1960-1. It is a significant event in the Belgian workers' movement, which has traditionally been dominated by "pure syndicalism". This has made all the lettwing political organisations face up to their responsibilities, and has encouraged them to unite around a political plan.
• Have other factors favoured the setting-up of GU?
Certainly. Three are particularly important.
Firstly, the new social movements, like the union moveand the demand for the lifting of the blockade on Cuba. It has also penetrated into certain union sectors. This has given rise to a number of successful actions, in the form of symposiums and days of action, in particular on the initiative of the Committee for the Cancellation of the
Third World Debt (CADTM). These initiatives were successful due to there being action and pluralist debate around a minimal platform. Thanks to these encounters, some sections of the left have got to know one another, to work together and to respect each other. It is and SNECMA have from the beginning me nt, participated actively in meetings of the GU. cal engagement of leftwing unionists has been accentuated by the scandals which have sullied the PS and by the crisis which these scandals have opened up in the heart of social democracy. Immediately after the vote on the Global Plan, justice demanded and obtained the lifting of parliamentary immunity on three socialist ministers, including the Vice-President Guy Coême, and the Minister-President of the Walloon region, and ex-President of the Socialist group in the European Parliament, Guy Spitaels. The three are suspected of having received bribes from the Italian company Agusta, at the time when it was pumping cash to the Italian Socialist Party of Bettino Craxi and when the Belgian Guy Coême was the Minister of Defence. The affair is without doubt linked to the killing of the former President of the PS, André Cools, in August 1992. The PS leadership reacted to the "affairs" by increasing its right-wing administrative course - under the banner of ethics - as not have all been confronted by the absence of political support for their demands The plainest example is that of the huge movement "Avec vous", which is for democracy, and against exclusion and racism. On 27 March "Avec vous" brought out around 200 thousand people onto the streets of Brussels. "Avec Vous" demands equality of political and social rights for all, including the right to vote for immigrants resident for more than five years in the European Union. It is an understatement that this claim is ignored; whilst scarcely twelve years ago all the traditional parties declared that they supported the right to vote in local elections, they now make concessions to racist prejudice. While the Maastricht Treaty gives immigrants the right to vote in local elections, this will not occur in Belgium before the year 2000. From that, the overall problem of political representation is raised...
Secondly, in recent years there has been a whole series of joint practical experiences around specific themes. The most important example is that of the third world movement; it has radicalised itself very clearly around such claims as for the cancellation of the debt, rejection of "humanitarian" outside interference not therefore by chance that some important figures in the third world movement, such as Pierre Galand (Secretary-general of Oxfam, Belgium),3 Gérard Karlhausen (responsible for projects at the National Centre for Co-operative Development) and François Houtard (director of the Tricontinental Centre) have given their support to GU.
The third factor is political. The (Stalinist) Belgian Workers' Party (PTB) has indisputable organisational force, but it has been greatly isolated and marginalised by the social movements, due to its developing an ultra-sectarian and selfjustificatory politics, such as in its defence of the Peruvian "Shining Path" movement. On the other hand, the Communist Party (PC) has developed strongly in recent years. Its congress in November 1990 declared itself for political recomposition on the left. But it has gone through a deep crisis, which has led it to not putting forward a party list at the time of its last electoral consultations. It still has an influence, but lacks inter-regional cohesion and so was not therefore able to take a central initiative so as to put its theories into practice. But
3. See 'World Bank: Criminal", International Viewpoint, no. 255, April 1994 for Pierre Galand's resignation letter from the NGO-World Bank working group and its co-ordinating committee.
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International Viewpoint #256 May 1994 the majority of its cadres and of its leadership have rallied with certain enthusiasm to the proposal for recomposition advanced by the Socialist Workers' Party (POS).
• So GU is not only an electoral initiative? That's right. The unionist left has pleaded for a joint slate for the European elections, but on condition that the new political movement is seen not only in terms of electoral slates but also in terms
GU wants to lead the debate with all the forces which call into question the race for competivity, unemployment, racism, sexism and the pillage of the third world... of the development of alternatives within social mobilisations. This has equally been the view of the POS. There have been a number of hesitations: certain personalities judged it premature to put forward a slate at the European elections, and the PC was more reserved when faced with the setting-up of a movement. But the united dynamic, through its breadth, has put everyone in agreement. GU has therefore put forward a slate with three objectives; to enable those on the left to vote for who they want, to open up the debate on an alternative society to that envisaged by Maastricht and to build itself as a thoroughgoing political movement.
It should be said that the echo of the initiative has been quite stunning. Not only in the union movement, but also in the view of numerous personalities. The public appeal of GU was supported by nearly 300 people, among whom were a number who have undisputed legitimacy in left-wing opinion: the playwright Jean Louvet, the sociologist Elaine VogelPolsky (specialist on "social" Europe and an activist for democracy with equal representation of men and women), the philosopher Isabelle Stengers (who in 1993 won the French Academy prize for philosophy), the republican José 16
Fontaine, the journalist Colette Braeckman (specialist in Black Africa and contributor to Diplomatic World), the third-world solidarity activists already mentioned, a group of left-wing Christians and the virologist Lise Thiry (Belgian Aids specialist, and ex-PS Senator, who worked with PS Health Minister
The GU slate, led by Lise Thiry, is the expression of this large echo. In view of its composition, opinion-makers have changed their tone. At first they spoke in terms of an initiative by "the marginal left" or the "far left"; they speak now of the "alternative left list" The biggest national newspapers give a large amount of space to GU. Xavier Mabille, an astute observer of Belgian political life for many years and director of the centre for socio-political research and information (CRIPS), was interviewed recently concerning "the little lists". His view was that GU is capable of harming the PS.
• What is the state of relations between the
Greens and GU?
The Ecolo party has passed fifteen percent in the opinion polls. Clearly it cannot be placed in the same bracket as the establishment parties. It voted against the Global Plan, and the Maastricht treaty, and defends equality of rights for immigrants. But at the same time, it is aiming for power and has adapted its practices to this perspective. The clearest example is its support for nondemocratic reform of the State, in return for ecofiscality. GU fits in with the perspective of a strategic debate with the Green
More widely, the movement does not view itself as having achieved everything but as a first step in coming together. In the heart of social-democracy a certain differentiation has also arisen with the setting-up of a left tendency, Socialism and Liberties, which is opposed to the Maastricht vision of Europe. GU wants to lead the debate with all the forces which call into question the logic of the race for competivity, unemployment, racism, sexism and the pillage of the third world, within the perspective of other future recompositions.
• What is the position of the political parties in GU?
Canon François Houtart, in his synthesis of the debates at the time of the assembly which set up the movement on 5 March 1994 clearly summed up the situation: "The presence of the political parties in such a movement, alongside independent but organised persons, from other sectors, demands that their rate be clearly defined. None of them can exercise a hegemony over the movement." So far as the POS is concerned it has no intention of dissolving itself into a political current. At the same time, the parties which support GU could be brought into alignment, according to the success of the movement. If this success is to strengthen and become firmly established in the long-term a proper organisation will have to be developed, with a common press. The POS will be holding a congress in November 1994, after the local elections, to discuss its own project based on practical experience. *
URGENCE!
International Viewpoint #256 May 1994
THE United Left (GU) campaign for the upcoming
European elections aims at providing an alternative to a "new world order"
which, far from solving the pressing social problems faced by the working class, has exacerbated them. Against a future of increasing inequality, growing unemployment and underemployment, and mounting xenophobia and racism, the United Left insists that other choices are possible. As its election broadsheet explains:
"The struggle against unemployment and exploitation is at the centre of an alternative that can be built. This is possible through an alternative division of the gains of productivity involving a radical reduction of labour time without loss of pay.
Let the financiers, landlords and bosses pay — those who currently benefit from the gains in productivity." Below, we publish extracts from the GU platform.
DOCUMENT
TE need to build another Europe. None of the current institutions of the European Union satisfy even the most elementary requirements of democracy. Even the European parliament - the sole elected body - is virtually powerless.
Although the Europe of Maastricht claims to promote closer relations between the peoples of the continent, the European Union pits all against all in sharp competition. It attacks wages, dismantles public services and social protection. Instead of providing new jobs, it has sharply increased unemployment. This Europe is non-democratic and void of progressive social content. It constitutes a fortress, exports its waste to the Third World and turns back refugees.
In spite of claims to the contrary, inequality between the sexes - the oldest of inequalities - has only grown. For the large majority of women the double working day remains a reality. Forced into dead- end and underpayed jobs, they have been the first to suffer from cuts in welfare benefits.
Another Europe is possible:
• European-wide citizenship whereby all inhabitants, including immigrants born outside the European
Union, would have the same political
• A Europe that respects the right of asylum.
• A Europe of improved working conditions, wages and overall social
• A Europe that responds to the interests of all, with stable employment that is socially and environmentally useful
• A Europe founded on peace with established relations of co-development with the Third World and the
East while respecting self-determana-
For International Solidarity!
In spite of much talk about "development", the gap between the industrialised countries and the Third World
International financial organisations like the World Bank, the IMF and the GATT have made life miserable for not only the people of the South, and the East, but right here at home.
The scandalous Third World debt involves a net transfer of US$40 billion a year from the poor countries to the rich ones. This is only the most visible aspect of the insertion of these countries into the world market. This kind development also involves the destruction of Third World social structures, of traditional economies, and leads to growing poverty and food dependence.
It is possible to create new relations with the South which are not founded on free market liberalism. The market is not a natural law!
Social needs related to transportation, telecommunications, research, the production and distribution of energy, environmental protection, urban renewal and so forth, need to be divorced from the laws of the mar-
In the absence of a real alternative form the traditional parties, racist and fascist forces have benefitted from
Like the 1930s, the far right has once again found an audience
But a simple moral condemnation of racist and fascist ideology is not sufficient. The current crisis is also a crisis of the traditional parties. We can rebuild politics and make it a vehicle for social change.
Gender equality.
A half-century after women won the right to vote, and in the context of a growing role played by women in all sectors of social life, they continue to be marginalised from real power.
Democracy.
There is no democracy without real alternatives but the traditional parties have excluded these.
The traditional left parties in Belgium have been integrated into the system with all its destructive fea-
These parties do not, therefore, constitute a real alternative. There is no democracy without an anti-capita-
An alternative is possible!
A new form of citizenship includes the right to a job, housing, a living wage, culture, and education.
We can change society!
Let's take charge of our own destiny. Let's break out of the limited undemocratic structures into which we have been forced. Let's organise ourselves in a concrete way for future struggles.
Lets create a new political movement to bring alternatives into socials movements and electoral struggles.
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