Europe yes, Maastricht no!
International Viewpoint #256 May 1994
THE Party of Democratic Socialism has, since the fall of the Berlin Wall, emerged as the principal left opposition party in Germany. It looks set to send representatives to the European Parliament. Our correspondent reports from its recent electoral congress. MANUEL KELLNER* Koln, 25 April 1994
T HE conference held in
March in Berlin by the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS) which arose from the Socialist Unity Party (SED), the ruling party in the former German Democratic Republic (DDR) debated and voted upon their manifesto for the elections to the Bundestag (parliament) in October, and for the European elections on 12 June.
"Resistance"
The large banner on the platform read "Electoral Congress '94 — change begins with opposition." "Opposition" was amended by an unknown hand to "Resistance". This reflected the feelings of the majority of the "AG Junge GenossInnen", a youth group linked to the PDS, who are afraid that the PDS is becoming an establishment party. The PDS vice-president, Wolfgang Gehrcke asked them: "But how have we changed our positions under the pressure of parliamentary work?" In many areas, the PDS has persevered in the face of rigid opposition: against foreign activity by the army (Bundeswehr),' the abolition of the right to asylum, criminalisation of abortion, and so forth. The feeling of the youth is not necessarily correct. However, although in general the PDS has a lettwing programme, the position of its best-known member, Gregor Gysi (President of the PDS Parliamentary group) as set out in his "Ingoldstadt Manifesto" (in which he tries to show solutions "to the inside of the system" and although he is the sole author is identified with the PDS by the media) is certainly more right-wing.
The other opposition, the "Communist Platform", was extremely defensive and 22
### GERMANY not particularly appealing: taking a "revolutionary" stance yet putting forward virtually no concrete positions, while showing nostalgia for the good old Communist parties of yesteryear...
In the past, there have been impassioned debates on the subject of Europe, with a minority opposed to any positive reference to the European Union and even to Europe. This was on the basis that the new Europe was merely an imperialist project by big business and the banks, and that its political structures did not allow for any real influence either from below or by parliamentary deputies. This time there was
The PDS European programme can be summarised as follows: Europe yes, but Maastricht Europe no. It is for: struggle against the blatant lack of democracy in the European Union institutions; struggle against "Fortress Europe"; solidarity with immigrants and refugees from the South and East; resistance to austerity measures, destruction of social gains and reactionary attacks against women's rights; struggle for full employment through reduction in working hours without loss of salary (this last was agreed after a stormy debate, before "without loss of salary" was demanded only for those on low and average wages) and through public programmes based in the work place. The PDS European election programme contains many progressive demands which every revolutionary can and must
Vision
However there was still a very interesting debate around what the general political vision of Europe should be. The version submitted to congress, once more demanded a Europe in which its citizens participate, a Europe which is multi-cultural, "green", pacifist and non-racist, which is concerned with social justice and which guarantees the right to sustenance, work and housing. This was a great deal, but did not satisfy the majority of delegates. It was also agreed that Europe is to be a Europe of democratic socialism.
The list of candidates for the elections is very diverse but it is worth noting that by a decision of its leadership in March 1994 the candidates who are eventually elected to the European Parliament (just as those who are elected to the Bundestag, must behave in a parliamentary manner. They must give a large part of what they earn to the Party or for projects linked to political work. Equally they must promise to resign, if they leave the PDS Parliamentary group.
In the new German order, the PDS parliamentary work in Bonn has been and remains vital in the struggle of the oppressed and therefore also for the radical left. It is not by chance that revolutionaries in Germany like those of the United Socialist Party (VSP)2 have developed a line of (albeit critical electoral support for the PDS and are even close to placing candidates on its "open list" for the national
It would clearly be positive if the PDS achieves the necessary five percent of the vote to enter the Strasbourg parliament. 3
The election programme contains progressive demands which every revolutionary can and must support. They would certainly be by far the most left-wing of the ninety-nine Germans who will sit there. The other radical and revolutionary left European parliamentarians will certainly be able to work constructively with those of the PDS on a number of issues and therefore links should be established. But there must also be vigorous debate, for the PDS, while a left-wing reformist party, is nevertheless a reformist party, which does not envisage a radical break with the bourgeois state. And this will translate into concrete political consequences as soon as crisis occurs. *
* The author is editor of Sozialistische Zeitung (SoZ), paper of the United Socialist Party (VSP).
1. German law still states that its army cannot serve outside of NATO countries, but, as readers may be aware, they have recently been stationed in Somalia and ex-Yugoslavia, to name but two countries.
2. Some of the VSP's members are supporters of the Fourth International.
3. The European Parliament meets in Strasbourg, France.