The country's political crisis, in the midst of which the elections took place, is not over. The PRI-government will exploit it so as to defuse the focuses of social resistance which have begun to flame since the indigenous Zapatista uprising on 1st Januaгу. For its part, the democratic opposition can rely upon the National Democratic Convention to organise broad social resistance to unbridled government liberalism. It is vital that we support the decisions of the Convention by virtue of the legitimacy which it holds; this will also form a counterbalance to the pressure which the government will be placing upon the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN). Democracy has not won the Mexican elections but must wait for another opportunity to make itself felt. What is certain is that the consequences of this defeat will be felt not only in Mexico but throughout the whole of Latin America. *
Just look how democratic we are. Even the dead have the right to vote! 3
Democracy, liberty & justice!
*HE ZAPATISTA uprising began on 1 January 1994 and lasted 13 days. After the shock of the first hours, the Mexican president, Carlos Salinas de Gortari, ordered the army to intervene. Dozens of civilians were executed by the soldiers and vil- Zapatistas take political intiative mandante Marcos, to the Convention. Eric Toussaint O
International Viewpoint #259 September 1994 speak on behalf of the EZLN at
Aguascalientes, Chiapas, a barracks, a bunker, an arms factory, a military training centre, an explosives depot. (..)
Before Aguascalientes, it was said that
(...) no successful conference could be
The army's intervention led to large-scale mass mobilisations, notably in the Mexican lages were subjected to aerial bombardment. capital. Salinas de Gortari had to backpeddle while the Zapatistas, for their part, understood that it would be impossible to push their offensive further. The armed confronations ceased. Yet the Zaptistas have not laid down their arms. In June 1994, after 6 months of negotiations, they refused to sign a peace agreement. In order to arrive at an agreement, the regime had made a series of significant commitments (some currently being implemented - schools, health units, roads, supplies of water and electricity). The Zapatistas rejected the agreement because they had put forward as their fundamental
Militarily weak in relation to the Mexican army, the Zapatistas have taken the initiative objective the end of the PRI regime.
The Democratic National Convention is the high point of their intiatives thus far. Participating as an interational observer there, I was profoundly impressed by the maturity of on the political plane.
It was in July that the Zapatistas called for a Democratic National Convention, stipulathe political propositions and the depth of the movement. ting who should and should not be invited to participate; "All those are invited who struggle or wish to struggle for democratic change. Those who do not want democratic change are not invited. (..) All those who are convinced of the necessity for a transitional goverment and a new constituion are invited. All those who recognise that the party-state is the principal obstacle to democratic transition are invited. Those who do Following the appeal of the Zapatistas, nearly a thousand social and political organisations from all over the country prepared methodically the positions they would defend at not recognise this are thus not invited..." the Convention. Tens of thousands of militants participated in this process and elected their delegates (5 per social organisation, 10 per political party). Then the delegates met in each of the 32 Mexican states. The congress of Mexico City alone brought together nearly a thousand delegates in two sessions. On 5 August more than 5,000 people arrived at San Cristóbal de las Casas to receive their official accreditation from the national organising commission of the Convention. On 6 August the delegates divided into 5 working groups (of more than 1,000 delegates each) who met together for on average 10 hours to discuss the different propositions emerging from the state congresses or advanced by the social and political organisaThe next day, from 5 a.m., 232 buses left to take the 200 kilometre journey deep into tions, including the Zapatista Army. Zapatista territory, where the work of the congress continued for another two days. After having heard the motions adopted by the 5 working groups who had met at San Cristobal, the Convention passed to a vote. It ratified almost unaminously the majority motions appealing for active participation in the elections and a vote against the PRI, decided to launch a broad movement of civil resistance to electoral fraud, presented a set of demands to the different candidates for the presidency, and demanded a revision of Mexico's international treaties (NAFTA and agreements on the foreign debt), as well as a new constitution which would be drawn up by a constituent asembly. Below, we publish major extracts from the speech given by one of the Zapatista leaders, Sub-comorganised on the eve of the elections.
Before Aguascalientes, it was said that no sensible person would respond to the call of a rebel group, proscribed by law, (...)
with a language which attempts to reclaim old, worn words: democracy, liberty, justice. (...)
Before Aguascalientes, it was said that there was too little time and that no-one would embark upon a project which was
(...) doomed to failure.
Before Aguascalientes, it was said that fear (...) would lead to the conclusion that it was easier to do nothing. (...)
Before Aguascalientes, it was said that the insuperable differences which divided us and set us against one another would prevent us from focusing on the same objective. (...).
Law-breakers
Before Aguascalientes, it was said that (...) the call for a dialogue between a group of law-breakers and a shapeless, disorganised and fragmented mass (...) would only result in paraly-
SIS.
Before Aguascalientes, it was said that (...) the National Democratic Convention (CND) would selfabort, that it was not worth the trouble of sabotage and that it was preferable for it to collapse of its own accord, so that Mexico and the world would see that the non-conformists were incapable of agreeing among themselves and therefore were incapable of putting forward a better project for society than that of the institutionalised revolution. (...)
This is what was counted upon, why the Convention was allowed to be called and why you were not prevented from coming here. (..)
Before Aguascalientes, we told ourselves that the differences which divided
----- pull-quotes on this page -----
MEXICO
International Viewpoint #259 September 1994 us and set us against one another would not prevent us from focusing on the same objective: (..) the State party system and its institutionalised absurdities: hereditary dictatorship, the dismissal of the struggle for democracy, liberty and justice as impossibly Utopian, (...) the poverty and ignorance of the dispossessed. (...)
Before Aguascalientes, we told ourselves that (...) our call for a dialogue between the faceless armed and the faceless unarmed (..) might well lead to a movement which would at last turn this shameful page in Mexican history. (...)
For this reason thousands of SUB- mainly indigeCOMMANDANTE nous men and women (...) have MARCOS raised (here) this
(Transcript) tower of hope.
we have placed to one side for a time our guns, our bitterness, our sadness at our dead, (...) and organised a conference which, if successful, will be the first step in denying ourselves as an alternative. (...) If Aguascalientes should fail then we shall once more be obliged to lead from in front (...) so that everyone has a right to their place in histo-
For this reason we have invited you and are pleased that you have come here. We hope that your maturity and wisdom will lead you to discover that the real, most powerful and terrible enemy is not seated here among you.
For this reason we respectfully ask this CND, in the name of all, men and women, young and old, and both the living and the dead of the EZLN, not to prove right all those who have predicted the collapse of this Convention, to seek what unites us, to speak truly, not to forget the differences which separate us and set us against one another more often than they should, but to put them on one side for long enough to be able to discover the common enemy. We respectfully ask that you do not deny or betray your ideals, principles or history. (...)
The EZLN has twenty delegates at this CND, with one vote each. We wish to clarify two points. The first is our commitment to the CND. The second is our decision not to impose our point of view. We have also rejected taking any part in the presidency of the CND. This is a Convention for seeking the way to peaceful change. It must not be presided over in any way by those who bear arms. We are only grateful that you have allowed us to make
We wish to state, in case there should be any doubt, that we do not regret having taken up arms against the government. We repeat that we were left with no alternative. (...) We do not bemoan our dead but are proud of them. We are prepared to offer more blood if this is the price for democratic change in Mexico.
Many have asked (...) what the Zapatistas want from the CND; A civil accord? Coverage in the national and international press? Justification for its insurrection? Civil backing for the war? (...) Here, today, the EZLN can reply. We are not attempting to stretch the sinister arm of war into the furthest corners of the country by means of a civil organisation, nor seeking press coverage which reduces the struggle for dignity to short paragraphs, arguments with which to gild ourselves, a platform for political calculations, (...) the appointment of an interim government, a new constitution, (...) support for a candidate for the presidency of this republic of pain and conformity, or war.
But we say yes to the construction of a project greater than Aguascalientes, peace with dignity, yes to a greater effort, (..) for democratic change which includes liberty and justice for the forgotten. (..)
Forgotten
We do not wish to occupy, nor can we occupy, the place which some hope for, where all opinions, courses of action, responses, and truths would come from us. (...) We hope that at this CND we will be able to hand over the banner which we found alone and forgotten in the palaces of power; (...) the banner which we cherish night and day, which accompanied us in war and which we hope to have in peace, (...)
We say yes to struggle so that all Mexicans can make the banner their own, the NATIONAL BANNER. Comrades, your banner. (..)
We hope that this CND will speak truly; for peace, but not for defeatism in the struggle for democracy; for peace, but not renunciation of the struggle for liberty; for peace, but not pacifist complicity with
We hope that this CND will understand that the right to call itself representative of the feelings of the nation does not come from votes or consensus but must still be won in the urban districts, the shanty towns, the suburbs, the indigenous communities, schools and universities, factories, businesses, scientific resarch institutes, cultural and artistic centres; throughout this whole country.
We hope that this CND realises that this is only the first step of many which must be taken, including in conditions which will be more difficult than at present. (...)
Finally, we hope that this CND will be a collective call to struggle for that which belongs to us, which the wealthy have by right; for our place in history. It is not the time for arms, and we put them to one side, but we are not leaving. We await the day when (...) we will no longer be necessary. (...) We hope that this CND will allow us to return to the land with the dignity of a mission completed, to return to silence, into the night from which we came, (...) to disappear in the same way as that in which we appeared, (...) without face, without future. To return to the depths of history, (...) and to the mountains.
It has been said, wrongly, that the Zapatistas are biding their time before resuming the war, and that this will happen if the (election) result on 21 August is not as they wish.This is a lie; no-one, and certainly not the EZLN, can impose timescales or make ultimatums.
For the EZLN, timescale is to be determined by civil, peaceful mobilisations. We submit ourselves to these, even if we should disappear as an alternative.
If war should recommence, it will not be due to action by us. There are no Zapatista ultimatums for civil society.
Struggle. Struggle without rest. Struggle and defeat the government. Struggle and defeat us. Never would defeat be so sweet, if it was part of a peaceful transition to democracy, dignity and justice.
The Secret Indigenous Revolutionary Committee (CCRI), the General Command of the EZLN, gives you Aguascalientes to unite you and (...) for you to discuss and organise the civil, peaceful, popular and national organisation of the struggle for democracy, liberty and justice. The CCRI-EZLN now gives you the national banner and reminds you of what it represents: Country, History and Nation. For you this signifies: democracy, liberty and justice.
We salute you, brother and sister Conventionists. For you, in the midst of armed territory, we built Aguascalientes, this space for peace with justice and digniту.
Many thanks. Democracy, liberty and justice!
From the mountains of southeast Mexico, the Secret Indigenous Revolutionary Committee-General Command of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation. Mexico, August 1994. *
----- photo credits and running heads -----
5