Spain: the challenge of success
The United Left's fragile consensus
Since the Spanish Communist Party joined forces with a number of smaller groups on its left to form the United Left, the organisation has grown to become a serious challenge to the corrupt ruling socialist party (PSOE). But rapid growth is a mixed blessing, as Jaime Pastor report from the organisation's Fourth Federal Assembly.
International Viewpoint #264 MARCH 1995
JULIO ANGUITA, GENERAL Coordinator of the United Left (IU), opened the assembly with a clearly autocritical balance sheet of activities over the last few years. Leaders at the federal level recognised our problems as a political formation which is increasing its share of the vote, without a parallel deepening of our implantation in local initiatives and associations, and in the most dynamic social sectors of society. The risks of this unbalanced development were visible both as sectarianism (at the level of some local federations) and the 'drunkenness of enthusiasm for 'new politics' among some comrades. Most delegates, however, seemed aware that it is unlikely that the impressive successes of recent years will be repeated.
Only the Estramadura and Castille- La Mancha federations made a sincere attempt to discuss the problems raised in the leadership's report. Other delegates tended to approve without discussion, and keep their reservations for private conversations. This lack of sincerity in the debate reflects a certain "old style" political culture in many of the regional groups, which is only slowly being overcome.
The manifesto adopted by the congress deals with the global crisis of civilisation, old and new forms of social inequality, the centre-periphery conflict and the crisis of the capitalist economy and the welfare state. The clear 'red and green' outlines of the manifesto are the proof of a step forward for the major political culture in IU. The programme recognises the need to defend social advantages within the fragile welfare state, but does not propose a rehash of outdated social democratic ideas. In mapping out a new hierarchy of values, the manifesto makes it possible for IU to work for the convergence of traditional and modern social movements in an alternative social block, in Spain and in Europe.
Within this global context, the section on the Spanish state is sharply critical of the ruling Socialist party (PSOE) of Felipe Gonzalez. Large sections of the population have been demoralized through this party's neo-liberal economic and social policies, corruption, and state terrorism (in the confrontation with the Basque separatist movements). Spain is characterised by a crisis of politics and political parties in their present form. The report emphasises the need to find alternative forms of action, and to transform IU into a "socio-political movement" integrating all the traditions of the anti-capitalist left. Unfortunately, criticism of the hesitant line of the trades union leaders was deflected by the conference leadership as supposedly contradictory with our short term political opportunities.
(United Left's attitude to alliances is characterised by the following amendment proposed by Izquierda Alternativa (Alternative Left - IA) and accepted by the Federal Political Council in September 1994. "The hegemony we aspire to has nothing to do with that of a charismatic leadership or that of a powerful bureaucratic apparatus. Hegemony can only come from the flowing together of different streams, with mutual respect." IU and the two major parties
"The respectable opposition currents [in the PSOE] are the weakest, and the strongest currents are the least respectable" In such a situation, "general formulas [like] institutional stability [or] opposition to the right cannot justify the formalisation of any agreements" until the PSOE breaks with the bad habits of 'Felipisme' Local alliances are still possible, provided these are "coherent with the objective of affirming our autonomy, and refusing any subordinate position"
While the IU recognises "no common objective, value of importance" with the main right wing Peoples Party (PP) the congress did not rule out the possibility of a limited, transparent accord "to win democratic reforms in the face of the concentration of powers under 'filipisme"
The New Left (IN) proposed an amendment defining the struggle against the right as the main priority, and leaving the possibility of a government coalition with the PSOE open. But this proposition did not win the 25% support in the working group which would allow it to be discussed at the plenary session.
It was agreed that, where IU manages to overtake the PSOE and form the government in a town or region, we need to create a 'culture of transformation' rather than engage in the management of the crisis within a framework fixed by the competitive economic model and an international climate of social
Communist Parties in crisis darwinism.' Wherever the PP is in government, we should strengthen the spine of the opposition, and resist the demoralisation of the left's social base. If the PSOE will join our efforts, they are welcome. And where the PSOE is in control, the Federal Political Council will evaluate the possibilities of an agreement with them. State and Nation in Spain
The commission proposed a clear federal state, with constitutional reform to ensure, for instance, that the senate reflects the Spanish state's multinational character. Those of us in the Alternative Left current (IA) feel that the notion of self determination implicit in the discussion is still too vague. We proposed a critical amendment, stating that the right to self-determination and independence must be a pre-condition to any constitutional reform. This and similar proposals received over 25% of the plenum vote, but were not adopted. The majority was clearly reluctant to reopen a question 'dealt with' in Spain's post-Franco constitution of 1978. But the debate continues. The rank and file rests very sensitive to the national demands of the majorities in Euskadi (the Basque Country) Calalunya and Galicia. Having said this, we should not close our
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International Viewpoint #264 MARCH 1995 eyes to the resurgence of a certain type of reactionary Spanish nationalism. If the right wing Popular Party (PP) wins the next elections, there will certainly be attempts to challenge even the precarious and limited autonomy of the various nonCastilian nationalities.
Internal democracy was advanced by a series of measures. Currents have the right to exist, and a limitation has been put on the time any one individual may represent IU on an elected body. Primaries have been instituted to select candidates in future elections. The main unresolved "internal' question is the definition of the federal existence of IU. Some federations proposed a looser, confederal (but not particularly democratic) structure, others an exaggerated 'neo-centralist' model.
Unfortunately, the status of the youth organisation(s) is also unresolved. Those of us in the Alternative Left (IA) argued that the youth anti-militarist, ecological and peace movements are among the most radical and active sectors of society at the moment. Without overestimating the importance of youth, it seems to us that turning IU into a social and political movement can only be done by turning more towards youth. And the left organisations as a whole are in need of a new generation of members and leaders.
The desire for consensus among delegates tended to favour the Party of Socialist Action and the Republican Left, two small parties which joined with the Communist Party (PCE) to form IU. Most non-aligned and under-represented comrades opposed this list. Still, two 'ecosocialists'. , one Green, two members of Alternative Left (IA) and several 'redgreen' independents were elected to the 103-member Federal Political Council.
While rather short, the resolution on women recognised "shortcomings, and contradictions between pronouncements and practice." A debate has been launched inside IU to deepen the feminist consciousness of the organisation.
IU is developing an anti-capitalist project for the transformation of society. Militants are striving not to re-edit social democracy, but present a distinct alternative. These policies imply significant "structural reforms" in the 30 economical and political sphere and across the state institutions. The common thread in the movement's deliberations is the search for a new model of society. We will see how this project takes shape in the coming municipal elections and in the elections to the autonomous parliaments in the various national regions. Of course, as IU starts looking for coalition partners, the pressure to water down the content could become quite acute.
In coming months, IU could quite possibly overtake the PSOE in several important regions and cities. But at the national level, the gap in electoral support is still important. As the leadership's report stressed, an increase in electoral scores is not the same as digging deeper roots into the social base of the left. We still have a lot to do to establish a relative hegemony within the social sectors that are the sociological base for left politics.
We have to build an alliance with the parts of society which are moving forward. The Civic Platform for Social Rights in Madrid could play an important role here, even though the leadership of most trades unions is still hesitant about getting involved. And there are a whole range of initiatives of Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) which IU should strive to support and participate in. We need to make sure that electoral agitation does not absorb all the efforts of the organisation.
The need for simultaneous struggles against the PP and the PSOE is clear. The federal leadership sometimes seems embarrassed by accusations that IU has joined with the right to squeeze the PSOE in a pincer attack. The accusation is sometimes sincere, but often hides an attempt to relegate us to the position of cheer-leader for the PSOE. We are surely capable of criticising the PSOE (which has never hesitated about forming a "pincer" coalition with the right wing Catalan nationalist block against the working class) without negating our criticism of a right wing which is incapable of proposing a meaningful alternative. As one delegate from Valencia argues, IU is neither a pincer for the right, nor a crutch for the PSOE
In conclusion, IU represents a chance for political reorganisation and recomposition which should not be underestimated. It is essential to remain involved if we want to encourage a social re-mobilisation, defeat the PSOE in elections to the benefit of a left alternative, and, in the more or less long term, regenerate confidence in Spain for an alternative, anti-capitalist and internationalist programme.