"A classic populist regime"
International Viewpoint 1265 April 1995
United Nations troops replaced U.S. expeditionary forces in Haiti on April 1st. But the real transformation in Haiti is in the president's office. Despite the hopes put in him by the country's poor, President Jean-Bertrand Aristide is creating a "classic, populist regime," dependent on
Haiti
U.S. support. Elections are CARTER MAGOUYE planned for June 4th, and the U.S. is still hesitating between DEMOKRAT declaring Aristide safe for U.S. interests, and resussitating the remenants of the old Duvalier regime. by Arthur Mahon
Aristide has put U.S. sympatisers in charge of the security services, in the hope that they will squash any plots by Duvalierist sympathisers. The president is trying to win room for maneover from the Americans, but his options are limitted. He came back to Haiti without an organised base of supporters, and without a political party. He is trying to compensate for this weakness by building support among a section of the popular civic associations. There are a large number of Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) in Haiti, but most of them have only a few members. And these 'representatives often expect to exchange their support for the government against an offer of work, or some money. This was true in 1991, but it is even more pronounced nowadays.
The Presidential Palace distributes money left, right and center, often on the pretext of financing infrastructure or public service projects, in the knowledge that the partner will not finish the work. This financing of NGOs to buy influence is a central strategy of the C.I.A. and other U.S. bodies in Haiti too. In fact, the lists of contacts are often crossed. In November 1994 Aristide called several hundred NGO representatives to the palace, and promissed them large sums of money for their development, provided they handed over lists of their members' names and addresses! 1 Given his lack of control over his own security services, this was
Carter Ho demente irresponsible at the least.
During the struggle against dictatorship, Aristide ignored the organisations which heroically struggled to organise resistance on the ground. Nowadays he tries to suck them into the nebulous mass of hangers-on and supporters he has created from the Presidential Palace. After hurricane Gordon hit the island, some of the biggest disaster aid grants went to deputies from districts which had not been hit by the winds and floods. Not suprisingly, in many cities organisations of the poor are at each others' throats over how to divide the money. High salaries, slush funds, nepotism: a fairly classic populist system.
On 9 March the presidential spokesperson, Yvon Neptune, stressed that "the country as a whole, just like the people, is suffering." The responsibility is with "those inside the government" who don't take their responsibilities seriously and encourage people to exercise their rights" without regard to the overall situation. Neptune was at that time particularly concerned by a series of popular demonstrations demanding the reduction of the prices of basic commodities.
Paradoxically, it is the ultra-liberal governer of the central bank, Leslie Delatour, who criticises the president most openly for his "extreme generosity towards certain individuals" like the supposedly pro-Aristide milionaire Mews family. Aristide's 'Christian' response - "it is better to be too soft than too hard" is
FO JOEL-S CHERY YOTEL
THE PUTE little comfort to those who have to demonstrate to get food at a decent price.
Faced with the continued violence against militants by supporters of the old regime, and hired thugs of local businessmen, and a growth in violent crime in general, on 7 February Aristide urged the population to form "vigilance brigades" to protect their districts and villiages. But in the current situation, this call is a double-edged sword. Genuine civic organisations cover only a small minority of the population. In some districts, real vigilance groups have been
Any petty thug can call himself a vigilance committee - If he accepts a few basic rules, he can even get a government grant formed to scare off delinquents and trouble-makers. But in the vast majority of towns and villages, who is really going to form, and benefit from these militias? Any petty thug can re-name himself a vigilance committee. If he accepts a few basic rules, he can even get a government grant. Demobilised soldiers of the old regime's army have taken control of a number of districts in this fashion.
In this tense social situation, some American advisors are in favour of Aristide resting in power. Draft legislation is being prepared to extend his mandate by
27
CARTER MiGOUYE
U.S. National Endowment for Democracy. According to Haiti Info (28 Feb. 1995)
OP Lavalas was not invited to this event designed to groom responsible potential parliamentarians. Other sources suggest that OP Lavalas declined their invitation once they realised who was behind the get-together.
How might OP Lavalas deputies vote if the new parliament proposes the cuts implied by the structural adjustment programme being prepared by the outgoing government? The American "aid" and security agencies, and the Presidential
Palace in Port-au-Prince are worried that the answer will be NO! *
International Viewpoint #265 April 1995
Haiti
Your solidarity
### Carter
FO Fio demoriat DEMOKRAI the three years he spent in exile (since the Haitian constitution forbids a president from holding office for more than one term, this is the only way Aristide can stay in power).
The problem for the Americans is that elections are a complicated business. On 4 June Haitians will elect members of parliament, two thirds of the senators, mayors and town/district councils. More than 2,000 posts are up for election. The abstention rate will be high, but the results are far from predictable. Have the various American agencies been betting on the right horses? Unlike in 1990, there is no real pro-imperialist political party in Haiti. What to do?
The pesimistic wing of the American establishment in Haiti recommend an increased support for the various networks of supporters of the previous Duvalier
JUST S CHERY YOTEZ HE PUTE regime. In several regions of the country prominent strong-men, protected from popular anger by U.S. and now U.N. troops, are more and more confident.
Since everyone knows that supporting the Duvalierists is one of the main options for US leaders, the number of "regretable incidents" (brutality against ordinary Haitians by U.S. troops) increased towards the end of their mandate. As for the U.S. secret services in Haiti, they are clearly trying to forment a climate of violence, in order to maximise the abstention rate in the elections, which will make it easier to produce whatever result their masters decide upon on the day. *
1 Haiti Info, 3 December 1994, v.3. n.5 makes a difference! The U.S. Embassy in Haiti is currently selecting their candidates for the 4 June elections. Generous election funds will soon be made available to the lucky few. The rest of us have very little time lett to deliver our material aid. As in the 1990 campaign, pre-recorded audio cassettes are an essential tool to spread the word in the countryside, and among the illiterate poor. Usetul addresses National Labor Committee in Support of Workers and Human Rights in Central America 15 Union Square New York, NY 10003, U.S.A tel. (212) 242 0700, fax 255 7230 School Supplies Campaign American Friends Service Committee 1501 Cherry Street Philadelphia, PA 19102, U.S.A Peasant Movemen of Papay Education and Development Fund 25 West Street (second floor) Boston, MA 02111, U.S.A
Uphill struggle for "Landslide"
tel. (617) 542 1140
Haiti Reborn (Quixote Center)
The U.S. doesn't want to see an important election score for the Lavalas (Landslide) Political Organisation (OPL). The word in Port-au-Prince is that President Aristide isn't too keen on seeing his old supporters do too well either. OP Lavalas was founded under the dictatorship by dissidents inside the Haitian Communist Party, progressive religious activists, intellectuals, and personalities from some of the non-govermental organisations. It tried to replace the original Lavalas Organisation, (OL) which had brought Aristide to power, but collapsed under the repression of the dictatorship, during Aristide's exile in the United States. OP Lavalas takes relatively few public positions, and those it makes are fairly vague. As of yet, the organisation does not seem to have a clear list of demands or an electoral programme. And it will probably contest the elections in coalition with several smaller parties which are reluctant to criticise Aristide. Nevertheless, most of the militants of OP Lavalas clearly oppose the manoevers of the palace towards the community of civic organisations, and the organisation clearly refuses to become a loyal, silent supporter of any president. OP Lavalas was the only Haitian party to boycott a 6 February summit of political parties expected to contest the forthcoming election. This get-together of those Haitians who supported the coup against Aristide and those who suffered the consequences was organised by the National Democratic Institute, linked to the 28
P.O. Box 5206 Hyattsville, MD 20782, U.S.A tel. (301) 699 002 tax 86 2182 European and Asian readers can contact their local International Viewpoint sales group, or International Viewpoint in Paris (address on page For more information, read... Haiti Info (English newsletter) Box 407189 Ft. Lauderdale, FL 33340, U.S.A. "Haiti After the Coup: Sweatshops or Real Development?" and "Paying to Lose our Jobs," both published by The National Labor Committee in Support of Worker and Human Rights in C. America (address above). *
World Summit for Social Development, Copenhagen, March 1995