General Labour Confederation (CGIL). This text is the introduction to the document of course, the virtual absence of trade unions. With all the effects on working proposed by the left current Alternativa sindacale (Union Alternative), which builds on the Essere sindacato (Union Way) movement. It argues for reintroduction of the mobile conditions, salaries and social relations that salary scale, a 35 hour week without reduction of salary, 32 hour week for shift work, and you can imagine.
intransigent defence of social security and workers' rights.
GDP increased by more than 3% in 1995. Industrial production rose by about 6%. Wholesale prices rose an incredible 11.8%. An unprecedented rise for an industrial country. Consumption by households rose only 1%. Hardly surprising, since wages fell by 1.4% compared to 1994 (the worst wages fall in the European Union). Investment rose 5%, but this only represents about one quarter of total consumption. The increase in profits is the result of a significant increase in exports. Italy now has the third highest export-import surplus in the world, behind only Japan and Germany. None of the other large European countries had comparable or better results. Profits have been rising so quickly that, already in 1994, the Governor of the Bank of Italy publicly invited the country's capitalists to stop speculating on the currency markets, and invest in production! •In Italy, the capitalist class does not seem too interested in long term projects. The capitalists count on the state to come to their aid. Like it always has before. DEVALUATION
The 1992 devaluation of the Italian currency obviously made it much easier for companies to sell their products abroad. But the devaluation was also a recognition of Italy's high inflation rate. In other words, unless inflation is dramatically reduced, the lira will again become overvalued in relation to the currencies of Italy's main trading partners.
The world economy will grow less quickly in 1996 than in 1995. This can only have a negative effect on Italy's export boom. The government will be obliged to adopt austerity measures to deal with the budget deficit. But, as the battle over pensions, and recent events in France show, attacking the welfare state can have a negative effect on the normal functioning of the economy! And the Italian government does not yet have sufficient power and support to fight and win a major social battle. *
An economic model which cancels values, destroys regions, and increases the imbalance between the north and south is imposing itself on this country Some parts of the north are dominated by a model of production without rights or rules. In the south, entire generations are excluded from work. And a series of very dangerous forms of intervention are being proposed. The risk to be generalised across Italy. We propose, the strategic goal of a politico-social struggle against this state of affairs. A state of affairs which the Italian trade unions, notably the CGIL, accepted when they signed the 31 July 1992 and 23 July 1993 accords which abolished the mobile salary scale. Or in 1995, when they accepted an agreement on retirement pensions. The unions have accepted economic compatibility, submitting themselves to the existing political framework. These accords, particularly the agreement on old age pensions, were opposed by workers and the trade union membership. Those CGIL leaders and members who opposed the accord are proposing a document to this, our Eighth Congress, so that we can continue the political battle which has already started. This Congress will evaluate our strategy and our demands of the last few years. We propose an alternative, radically different strategy. The agreement on wage policy has not ensured the defence of salaries. Instead, it has reduced the contractual autonomy of the unions. The agreement on retirement pensions, rejected by a large number of workers and senior citizens, is inspired by the same logic. It weakens our rights, and makes the welfare state even more vulnerable. The country is going through a serious democratic and institutional crisis. In this framework, massive privatisations have taken place. Enormous riches and power have been concentrated in the hands of a small number of people. The living conditions of millions of workers and retired people have deteriorated. This makes it necessary to redirect our programme and strategy, by rejecting the demands of recent years, which were subordinated to the imperatives of the current economic and social model.
This has had the result of weakening, dividing and tearing apart the workers' movement.
We must rebuild a movement of struggle. A strong, generalised, unitary initiative aiming to readjust salaries and other revenue, and reintroduce a mechanism for a mobile salary scale. We should define a platform which raises the question of working time, in a framework of generalised reduction of the working week. We should defend the welfare state and relaunch an adequate, public social security system. We should raise the question of a different, balanced development model. Subordinate, manual labour has suffered a social and material marginalisation. Its revaluation should be one of the main elements of any future contractual campaign. These policies (different development, an autonomous and efficient public service, and a fair tax system) should be based on a network of democratic power, supervision and participation. Which means relaunching local autonomous authorities, and regionalism. These are the essential points for rebuilding a mass movement and relaunching the CGIL as a wide social subject, committed to a change. This is the proposition for which we invite the support of the membership. To give back to the CIL a class struggle, conflict dimension. As a democratic, contederal union.*
International Viewpoint n°274 7
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Italy *