For some time now, the President has been manoeuvring to rebuild a centre pole, which could win supporters from the "soft' wings of both the left and right poles. One with the PDS on Discussion document Full employment is possible! Prepared for the March 1996 Programmatic Conference of Rifondazione Comunista. To deal effectively with the problems of full employment, we need two complementary, new tools: a systematic, substantial and generalised reduction in working time, without loss of salary, and the introduction of socially useful labour, not as a marginal form or a new kind of social assistance, but as a lever for development. Such socially useful work should be non-commodity work, an ideaforce for satisfying needs and public works which, otherwise, would not be carried out. These two tools demand that there be a new relationship between the private and public sectors, between the state and the market. The reduction in labour time is necessary. But is it possible? Yes! A 2.5% reduction in working time in the European Union would create, over the next five years, 10 million jobs. Anticipated increases in productivity over the next five years are sufficient to reach an even more ambitious goal than this! And the increase in productivity will also help solve another problem: the budget deficit. Our opposition to the social security counter-reforms of the Berlusconi and Dini governments is inspired by a fundamental consideration: you cannot reduce the public deficit by cutting social security. The problem of pensions should be posed in connection with the issue of unemployment. Unemployment is the main problem. And if we reduce social security payments and delay the age of retirement, we will need to find more money for paying unemployment benefits. The Italian workers' movement demanded that, rather than basing retirement on physical age, we retire after 35 years of work. This kind of approach is being repeated in other countries, like Sweden. After all, the reduction in working time can take several forms: a shorter working day, a shorter week, longer annual holidays, or an earlier retirement. If we based pensions on a fixed number of years of paid labour, this would in practice mean reducing the total number of hours worked by each individual. Defending this social gain in Italy has been a great occasion. [More and more people] have seen that this would be one way of distributing the increase in productivity. Despite its utopian aspects (in the work of André Gorz), the formula "work less, so that all can work" represents a concrete solution to a real problem: the lack of work in a situation where work continues to define citizenship and citizen's rights. This is not only a trade union demand. It is a great social programme. If we refuse to go insurmountable problems. Only a significant reduction in working time will enable us to place the problems, of unemployment and quality of life, on the public agenda. We should start by reorganising the relationship between life and work, as well as a reorganisation of the relationship between the sexes, with the aim of reducing the contradictions by abandoning patriarchal and family Socially useful work should be considered in its strategic aspect: not as a marginal element introduced to assign a certain number of unemployed workers to socially useful but poor projects, but as an ambitious project, intrinsically linked to a new idea of development, of civilisation even. There is the whole question of maintenance: maintenance of the individual, or the environment, of culture, of arts. This is a key elements in a potential new development strategy... * notes This conference was not intended to culminate with formal votes to approve or amend the texts submitted. The debate continues on these and other subjects raised during the congress.
element of this initiative is the attempt to assemble the smaller centre-left organisations, so as to form a counterbalance to the PDS within the centre-left pole.
All this makes Rifondazione (PRC) look more and more like the only left alternative. The party turned top the left in autumn 1994, in phase with the mass movement to defend pensions. It refused to give any support to the Dini government. Rifondazione was almost the only party which opposed the counter-reform of the pension system (accepted by the trade unions). The party has also relaunched its international initiative for opposition to the Maastricht Treaty, and all the political and military initiatives of the imperialist powers. Rifondazione condemned the NATO intervention in former Yugoslavia in clear terms, and voted against the sending of Italian troops to Bosnia.
To avoid loosing all parliamentary representation (if elections were held under the current system), and avoid a rightist victory which would increase the danger of an authoritarian degeneration, Rifondazione has proposed an "no challenge" pact with the "Olivier" coalition. But the party is opposed to any collaboration in government. RIFONDAZIONE IS AWARE OF THE contradictory, dangerous aspects of the current situation in Italy. It is true that there is still a real potential for strong social protest. This would create possibilities for reorganising and building the mass movements. But this potential has not resulted in heightened political consciousness. Confusion and disorganisation is growing, encouraging many people to abandon political activity, to abstain when elections come round, or to believe that one or other of the country's charismatic personalities can save the day. After all that has discredited his intellectual and political consistency, Judge Di Pietro is still very popular. And, in some regions,