Canada *
It may be that the Big Three auto makers won't go as far in bargaining next year as CAT did, and suppliers like American Gear & Axle may not yet be ready for a confrontation. But Caterpillar's agents are out there encouraging their colleagues.
bargaining.
Ontario's Labour Upsurge by Julia Barnett
Activists in Canada followed media coverage of the recent French strikes with great enthusiasm. On December 11th,
10,000 of us found ourselves in the streets of London, Ontario in below zero weather on a one day strike called by the Ontario Federation of Labour (OFL), "Hey Mike, hey Harris, we'll shut you down like Paris!". The current wave of strike action in Ontario and the many planned mobilizations to come are a result of a political/economic course which began in the mid 1970's under the Federal Liberal Party government. Within a Canadian context this meant the movement to control the public sector and slashing the social welfare state as Canadians knew it to be since World War II. Today in Ontario under the Tory government led by Premier Mike Harris this dismantling is occurring at an unprecedented speed.
The 1980's Federal Tory government led by Brian Mulroney marked a major shift in the strategy of Canadian business, which demanded a comprehensive attack on the social welfare state. The Tories' main accomplishments were the severe cutting of federal transfer paymentsto provinces' social programs. The Tories also paved the way for cuts to unemployment insurance benefits and eligibility, tax cuts, low interest loans and handouts to private corporations.
The international Neo-Liberal agenda is transforming the highly decentralized Canadian State (the ten provinces [1] and two territories are directly responsible for health care, education, social welfare and labour relations).
The Federal government in the 1980's took the lead in the neoliberal offensive but didn't have control over all the provincial governments. The New Democratic Party (NDP)[2] had control in the two most industrialized, populated and richest in resource provinces. In Ontario the entire labour movement endorsed the NDP and to all (especially the NDP) their victory was a great surprise. At the time in Ontario the
The company is still a GM supplier. Labour leadership had no criticisms of the NDP, nor did it generate a political analysis or debate on how to relate to the NDP once in power. The same held true for most of the social movements. A few organizations did put pressure on the NDP government, including the Ontario Coalition For Abortion Clinics (OCAC) [3] who demonstrated to demand further funding for free standing abortion clinics throughout the province. But social movements including feminists and the labour movement (some of OCAC's key allies in the fight for abortion rights) harshly criticized OCAC for demonstrating against the NDP and for criticizing the "voice of working people".
Two years into office the Ontario NDP imposed public sector rollbacks that even the Federal Tories wouldn't try. The Social Contract included wage freezes, mandatory unpaid leaves and the paving of the way for thousands of public sector jobs to be eliminated. NDP Saskatchewan and British Columbia announced similar policies.
While the NDP provincially was introducing some of the worst austerity measures in years, the Liberals came back to power at the Federal level, with the pretence of making the federal deficit the number one issue of the day. The North American Free Trade Act (NAFTA) was passed during this time, while in Quebec, the Parti Quebecois (PQ) re-opened the National Question.
After the defeat of the NDP in Ontario's last election, Conservative Premier Mike Harris openly declared a zero deficit goal, 30% reduction in taxes, pro-workfare, etc... in the name of a "Common Sense Revolution" — Ontario's own Newt Gingrichification.
Since Harris' on June 8, 1995 we have seen more movement and opposition to government policies than in the previous decades. June 28, 1995, the day Harris's cabinet was sworn in, 1,000 people demonstrated at the legislature. One month later 3,000 welfare activists stood at the
Labor should take note and do the same. * same place protesting 21% cuts in their welfare payments. On September 27 more than 5,000 returned to Queens Park to mark the reopening of the legislature. Similar demonstrations took place throughout the Province. This was the first of many demonstrations where police began using batons to beat demonstrators. Wherever Harris goes in Ontario demonstrators and/or protest actions.
This is all taking place with a divided labour leadership, fragmented and small organized left and for the most part single issued social movements. The Ontario Federation of Labour at it's November convention rallied against the Harris government Bill 7, the new Tory "right to work" legislation that replaced the NDP's labour law. On December 11th a one day strike in London, Ontario was called by the OFL. On January 13, 37,000 Catholic school teachers and supporters marched on the legislature — the largest demonstration at Queen's Park in half a century. February 6 was a National Student Day of Protest organized across universities. Demonstrations were held to protest against the cuts to federal transfer payments for education and against tuition hikes. In Toronto 1,200 students held a sit-in at the legislature. The result was the arrest of four students charged with the draconian old "intimidating the legislature" law, which carries a maximum penalty of 14 years imprisonment. Polls showed that public support for Harris had shrunk from close to 60% in the summer, to 37%.
Meanwhile the Ontario Labour Leadership has not been willing or able to mobilize against the architects of NAFTA, Neo-Liberalism, or even examine the real divisions between organised labour and the NDP. This is due in part to it's 1960's model of "Business Unionism" and partly to its blanket support of electoralist strategies for the NDP every four years.
Five big "Pink Slip" unions [4] disagreed with the OFL's decision to break with the NDP after the Social Contract.
International Viewpoint n° 276 33
behind. A Steelworker nudged me. "OPSEU", he wispered
* Canada These labour leaders openly support purging critics and want to produce a centrally controlled OL-NDP alliance. This strategy was played out at the OFL convention when Leaders of the largest public sector union, the Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE), had it's leading progressive and critical voice to the NDP pushed out by the OF slated candidate, supported by the pink slip "gang of five" Every action called by the OFL since its convention has been based on opportunistic relationships with social movements, a lack of alliances with trade union movements in other provinces or with Quebec's labour movement which is tied to the bourgeois nationalist Bloc Quebecois Party.
The Ontario Federation of Labour under picket lines.
The challenge now is to link the fight for OPSEU members' jobs with the fight to defend union rights, welfare, and health care — Metro Toronto Hospital Workers are in the middle of negotiations and facing an 18% cut in pay with 12 hospitals being threatened to close. We need a united front strategy. Socialist and labour activists should work to bring a range of forces together to make an impact both within labour movement and in the various social movements we are active. We mustn't let the labour bureaucracy derail a real grass rooted political movement to bring down Power in the union the Harris government - as the OPSEU slogan goes: "No justice, no peace!" * Notes
Julia Barnett is a member of Socialist Challenge/Gauche Socialist, the Fourth International section in the Canadian State, and a member and activist in the Canadian Union Public Employees (CUPE) Local#840. 1. This includes Quebec 2. The Ontario NDP was in power for the first time between 1990-1995 with a majority. 3. In the mid 1970's and 1980's OCAC was one of the key mass action pro-choice feminist organizations responsible for striking down Canada's Federal Abortion Law. 4. United Food and Commercial Workers Union (UFCW), Service Employees International Union (SEIU), United Steel Workers of America (USWA), Canadian Electrical Power (CEP), and the International Association of Machinists (IAM).
J. Melton watched as 120,000 demonstrators marched past the Hamilton the leadership of Gord Wilson called for
Convention Centre, where Ontario Premier Mike Hariss' Tory party was meeting.
another day of action against the Harris government, in Hamilton, Ontario. This was shouted at the police behind the largest labour demonstration in Ontario and even in North America, 25,000 came on Friday 23rd and over 120,000 on
"You're jobs are next!" "Join
Saturday 24th to protest the Tory Party us!" "Shame! Shame! Shame!"
convention being held in Hamilton. These days of actions or strike days are impressive
The Steelworkers let them and invigorating but still limited and voice their anger, as long as defensive. Nor are they tied to the similar they kept moving — which was the key to calm, they told me.
struggles underway in the Maritime
"It's the ones who know how to provinces, British Columbia, Alberta or move as a group you have to
Quebec. The labour leadership has no real worry about," one said, indicstrategy nor support for a broad based ating the passing Canada's united fightback, and would rather wait four
National Student Organization.
years, then try to elect a new NDP
They were chanting in perfect government.
unison and slowed to jeer. But
What does all of this mean for the the rather frail-looking youth
67,000 Ontario government workers who didn't present much of a challvoted in a two to one margin strike vote in enge to the Steelworkers. And mid February? The Tories have promised to cut up to 27,000 government jobs. Under
What we're worried about is
Bill 7, the Tory labour law, the government
OPSEU," one said. His brothhas the right to take away "successor rights"
ers strained their necks to look
(the right to keep jobs), unions and up street for the banners of the collective agreements when services are
OPSEU [civil service union].
contracted out or privatized. At the same
*They are fucking angry.
time the Tories gave themselves the right to
They're going on strike unilaterally re-classify jobs and cut wages.
tomorrow. And the govern-
The Tories slashed a pension entitlement of ment's going to use scabs to
OPSEU members laid off before reaching replace them. That's who we're early retirement. The Tories aim is to roll really waiting for."
back seniority, job security and anything
I nodded politely and pretenthat is a barrier to privatization and the ded to study the police camera restructuring of provincial health, social, or atop CityHall. But I was really welfare services. The only gain made under wondering how I was suppo the NDP labour law that was left under Bill sed to take seriously a bunch
7 was the right for OPSEU to strike. The of angry office workers. I used current OPSEU leadership is in a very real to work concert security. I learbind. They are negotiating their terms of surrender rather than make real gains for threat and who wasn't. I doubt their members. However, the union has the an OPSEU worker would have real potential to galvanize broad based overly concerned me...
support against the overall Harris agenda.
"Oh fuck," a voice came from
Since the strike began there have been strike support demonstrations across the province.
Over 90% Of OPSEU workers are on the
34 International Viewpoint April 1996
Centre - apparently a product of the "bunker nouveau" architectual school - was now revealed to have been a smart tactical choice by the Tories. I found the place where the parade route passed the Convention Centre's semi-underground entrance. Parade marshals in orange-skull-caps formed a line there. Big guys. About six metres behind them were piled gargantuan confrom Stalingrad. And behind proofed riot cops with POLICE emblazoned on their chests I asked the orange-caps why they were there. "We're just trying to keep anyone from getting hurt," one told me "We're Hamilton Steelworkers and we're just trying to protect Hamilton." And they practiced a comradely sort of crowd control, laughing and joking with people as they asked them to came into sight: "Hey Mike! Hey Mike! How'd you like a general strike?" The riot cops all stopped talking and stood passing at first. But one glimpse of the riot police made it clear: here were the Tories holed up. This was it. nurses, students, factoryworkers, the unemployed -
"Over there," he pointed. The OPSEU section of the parade had stopped. Just like that As a single, disciplined unit, OPSEU halted on the proverbial dime. It thin-orange-line. The parade sections in front of OPSEU continued, leaving a big gap. It became clear why OPSEU workers were to be taken seriously: Unlike the drunken, atomized crowds I'd dealt with in concert security, these people were organized. And all eyes were on them. It was the dramatic moment of the entire Days of Action. It was the message. The Steelworkers understood everything implicit in it. The Steelworkers knew that, with one word, that unit could have accelerated over that 30 feet, through the thin-orange-line and probably run right over the riot cops. (Not that they'd get to any Tories, there were many more cops inside, choking off the far narrower bottlenecks, them through windows, loitering in stairwells.) Having cocked the revolver, and stood there holding it, OPSEU returned the hammer to rest. And marched on. "The fuckers," the Steelworkers laughed a little nervously. And then everyone settled down for a gentle good time around Copps Coliseum. *