Trade union recomposition
Less than one in ten French workers is in a trade union. In the private sector, the ratio is closer to one in twenty. And yet, the country's labour movement has not only proved its militancy, but generated new forms of struggle and organising that should be an inspiration to militants in other countries. Dominique Mezzi
TOUS
FRANCE HAS A LOWER RATE OF TRADE UNION membership than any other OECD country. And the number of days lost to industrial action in recent years was one of the lowest in Europe. And yet, the country was shaken by a massive public sector strike in November and December 1995. Events in Paris and Marseilles threw the French and European bourgeoisies into a panic. And raised the left's hopes that we were seeing the start of a new cycle of strikes, and a new kind of social movement, which could oppose the Maastricht system and its dictatorial convergence criteria, by putting forward the social and democratic demands of the working population.
This massive mobilisation will surely be followed by at least a modest increase in union membership. But we are starting from very low. The trade unions have lost 50% of their members over the last 20 years. The Communist-dominated CT has lost over 65%. Only two million French working people are members of trade unions, from a total workforce of 19.5 million. • CGT General Secretary Louis Viannet now admits having exaggerated his federation's membership figures in the past. The new official claim, for 1993, is 630,000 members, including 160,000 senior citizens. • The (Catholic inspired) CFDT only has 515,000 members • Force Ouvrière (FO, closer to the Socialist Party has about 375,000 members. • The General Confederation of Cadres (CGC) has about 111,000 members, and the (Christian, moderate) CFTC has about 93,000. • In 1992, the National Education Federation (FEN) had 300,000 members. But following a split, the most dynamic force in the sector is the Unitary Trade Union Federation (FSU), which has more than 150,000 members. • The other non-federated unions are grouped in two poles. The most dynamic pole is the "Group of 10", which now brings together 18 independent unions, notably SUD-Post Office/Telecom (10,000) and the tax-collectors union SNUI (20,000). Moves are underway to form a federal body within the next 12 months. This pole is likely to be joined by recent dissidents from the CFDT, who have formed the 2,000 strong SUD-Rail union.
The second "independent" pole, the
France * National Union of Autonomous Unions (UNSA), has a similar conception of trade unionism to the leadership of the CFDT. Its main components are the teachers' union FEN, and the civil servants' union FGAF And like the CFDT, UNSA is now wracked by debate about the end of the strike. The need for a thinking unionism November-December 1995 was possible because there was an undercurrent of silent social revolt against the ravages of neoliberalism. But also because our crisis-ridden trade union movement was flexible and
TOUS
permeable enough at the local level to absorb and express the unitary and democratic demands and expectations of hundreds of thousands of people.
The major confederations were no longer able to impose a direction on the movement in an authoritarian way, and thus channel our social aspirations. To survive, the big confederations must now recognise the transformation of the labour force, the democratic aspirations which have been clear for some years now, and the capacity for
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* France innovation in workers' demands and collective action.
The workforce's general culture is high. Women workers expect that union and movement structures and activities will enable their voices to be heard. Younger workers refuse to obey union advice "from on high" without discussion. And, despite their social and political exclusion, and despite the negative view they often hold about trade unions, groups of unemployed workers are also looking for new forms of self-help and support, and for a new collective ethic in the NGO-associative sector. A system which really listens to people. All this has implications for the confederate function of the major organisations.
Not surprisingly, the part of trade unionism which is working is the part which is in unused to democratic debate, which they find rather de-stabilising. Here too, opening the windows to a breeze of debate threatens to de-stabilise the bureaucratic core of the federation.
Obviously, even a "professional," corporatist style of trade unionism could also be close to the principle of direct control by the workers. Though the "efficiency" of such unionism would be measured in quite different criteria. Such unions would hardly seek to participate in a new, vaguely defined project of social transformation. This kind of approach is in evidence across the board, were expecting the congress to produce a strong national orientation for the mobilisation. But General Secretary Louis Viannet's opening speech was completely out of phase. All he demanded was a "negotiating table." And all he promised was that the next national day of action would create the necessary "shock wave."
Four times during the congress, the leadership was interrupted by dozens of delegates, demanding to come to the microphone and appeal to congress to harden the tone, and call for a general strike. This was not a plan for the CGT to issue orders from above, as might have been the case in the old days, but a desire by many CGT militants to take back to their local assemblies a proposal for a general strike, which could be discussed. A strike based on demands which would be carefully drafted so as to reach out to the private sector phase with these unitary aspirations and the new spirit of combativity. And which
ENSEMBLE harnesses, rather than disparages, the collective intelligence of the working population. Those unions, across the spectrum, whose guiding principles are intelligence and self-organisation, as close to the base as possible, are growing in size and influence.
This is what explains the particular success of SUD and the FSU. It is what animates the active search for new strategies among a current in the CGT, as well as a wide range of militants who recognise the failure of their old projects.
This is the kind of trade unionism that most CFDT militants would like to see. Which explains why confederation leader Nicole Notat, who has decided to support the "enlightened" wing of the employers and the government, has now so firmly barricaded herself inside a bureaucratic bunker. She knows that the greater the democratic debate inside the CFDT, the more fragile her position will be. The same is obviously true about the Stalinist and ex-Stalinist conglomerate at the core of the CGT. This is a current on the defensive, and without a clear orientation, but with a monolithic tradition, which targets the feeling of isolation, and the need for protection of the most dominated sectors of the working class. This has created a trade union culture where militants are 24 International Viewpoint #277 from the secondary school teachers of the FSU to SNUI, and the newly-unionised "feminine" professions like nurses.
Maybe trade unionism has been slow to re-consider professional and sectoral questions, and the way they inter-react with the general demands of the working population. Professional problems are not "just" sectoral demands. They are reallyexperienced situations, work conditions, hierarchies, technology, and a range of other questions which the employers have devoted much more attention to than the unions. CG_ 45th Congres
The congres. took place during the ascendant phase of the strike, in early December. It was characterised by two passionate debates: what to do in the current mobilisation, and what project the CGT should propose for trade unionism as a whole.
A majority of delegates, particularly among railway and transport workers, had been directly mandated by general assemblies of their striking colleagues. They too. A key question here was the issue of retirement pensions: reversing the 1993 decision which increased the minimum number of years of contributions needed for a state pension from 37.5 to 40 in the private sector (imposed by the government without union opposition). The second debate at the congress concerned the long term project for the union. The Viannet leadership had, in the pre-conference period, successfully navigated between the various sectarian currents, and had even adopted some of the critical comments of the minorities, such as the call for a more open approach, and more co-operation with the other confederations. Of course, everyone can give his or her own interpretation to such vaguely-expressed principles. But congress did clarify that this was no old-style call for unity on the basis of support for the CGT! And the confederation had participated, on November 25th, at the key 40,000 strong demonstration for women's rights. It is rare to see the CGT commit itself so much to any event or initiative for which it itself does not control all the key levers. Genuinely decentralised meetings were held in union branches. There is a real opening at the local level, and a new possibility for co-operation with other unions, associations, and organisations like the unemployment action group AC! or the anti-racist initiatives.
As for trade union co-operation, the CGT
made big efforts in 1995 to avoid the confederations' tendency to sabotage each others' events [by launching similar sounding initiatives on different days or in different places]. This meant that mobilisations began to have a true inter-union and interprofessional character. Concretely, by supporting FO's 28 November day of action
(launched without consultation with the other federations), the CGT trans-formed what would have been an isolated event, with a negative effect on the mobil-isation, into a dynamic reinforcement of the rising tide of the movement.
But Louis Viannet has been careful to set the limits of this new unity. Notably, it is clear that, for him, co-operation does not mean that there is now a
Each common pro-ject.
federation has its own characteristics. Lateral debate is not going to happen. And there is no reason to start talking about a new, pluralist leaderships of CFDT, FEN and FO, with the aim of isolating the CGT, with its "archaic" class struggle rhetoric. And letting the country's most combative union wear itself down in an isolated confrontation with neoliberalism. Meanwhile, the unified and coherent face of modern trade unionism would negotiate the necessary compromises, more or less inspired by the German model. A model which has been idealised and misrepresented to fit the theories of the French would-be architects of the destruction of our trade unions.
Luckily, this plan has more or less
France *
1989 was keenly supported by the
"Lambertist' current in the union. It is true that Blondel's victory blocked the right-wing current in FO. But the confederation is still caught between two different logics and strategies.
FO has traditionally seen itself as the
"apolitical" and "independent" confedpractices of the eration: refusing the
"Communist" CT, and the pro-government and "pro-Vatican" manoeuvres of the CFDT.
But, like the CFDT, FO has refused to develop any new trade union work towards the unemployed. It refuses any permanent system of co-operation. And insists that it is impossible for FO to pretend to defend the "general interest." Trade union should confine themselves to salary questions, according to Blondel.
Not surprisingly, the space for FO to win and keep support among working people is shrinking. And the evaporation of the ideological underpinning of the old confederate super-confederation.
ENSEMBLE
And, while pluralism is OK in the movement, there was no way Viannet intended to introduce such concepts in the selection of the CGT's own Confederal Bureau. On the contrary, several of his opponents lost their seats at this congress. So, while the CGT is more and more auto-nomous in the social and political spheres, and while the role of the Communist Party in the union leadership is less strong than before, the bureaucracy still has its own specific interests. It intends to profit from its re-established role as a social partner which the employers and government cannot avoid negotiating with. This is why Viannet refused to suggest that the strike could go as far as provoking the fall of the Juppé government.
This is a dangerous situation, and full of contradictions. The unitary line, often correct, often clashes with traditional bureaucratic methods, and a lack of imagination. Since the CGT is receiving relatively high scores in the current round of professional (workplace) elections, the leadership is happy to delay all difficult questions. in 1989 Marc Blonded was elected as General Secretary of Force Ouvrière. The debate at that congress was about a project to "bury" FO in a "recomposition" of the collapsed. The first phase was achieved, but came back like a boomerang to punish its authors. Phase one was, in effect, the violent exclusion from the teachers confederation FEN, of a large minority, considered to be too attached to "struggle unionism". The expulsion was achieved. But the cost was high; the determined resistance of militant, politicised structures in the unions, including in the (traditionally moderate and non-unionised) primary teachers' sector; creation of FSU, which, over the last two years, has confirmed its place as the main, most active trade union in the education sector. The FSU input into the November and December strikes was the most dynamic, their contingents were the largest in the education sector. Despite the handicap of unequal geographical presence across the country, FSU is in a key position to generate initiatives bringing the various unions together. Provided, of course, they can cope with the increasingly complex world of French trade unionism!
Blondel's election to the head of FO in divisions is hitting the union hard. Blondel and the FO apparatus have become obsessed with institutional questions, like FO's privileged role in the management of the social questions which will hardly renew FO's membership and implantation. Nevertheless, FO still has a capacity to resist the blows of this bourgeois government. The confederation's role in November-December 1995 contributed to the dynamic towards a general strike. Even though FO brutally cut any ideas which emerged concerning the structural regroupment of the trade union movement, "There would be no place there for me," Blondel admitted in a moment of candour.
The regroupment in question was a fusion of the CGT and FO. There is a movement of activists and shop stewards in both confederations working in this direction. An open letter published in Spring 1995 argued that the two confederations "are two branches from a common trunk." This regroupment of the two federation is actively supported by Informations ouvrières, the newspaper of the Workers Party [PT, dominated by the Lambertist current. Ed.] Though the Lambertists did not renew their proposals during the last FO congress. Nor, in fact, did they have much to say that differed from the Blondel leadership they criticise for "reformism."
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* France
The Lambertists' important position in FO has nevertheless contributed to the development of an anti-communist opposition current which won about 20% of votes at the last congress. Led by supporters of the Socialist Party (PS), this current is paralysed by its hostility to the CGT, and its outrage at Blondel's historic handshake with Louis Viannet (CGT) on 28 November 1995. Nevertheless, this current does have good positions on questions like the reduction of the working week, and the dangers of racism and fascism. It does carry with it a number of genuine trade unionists. whate Cbi congress in Spring congress in Spring 1995 confirmed the secure position of the leadership, and the inability of the opposition to present a real alternative leadership. But the congress also demonstrated that the base of the confederation rejects, on the basis of experience, the compromise-oriented, proemployer strategy incarnated by General Secretary Nicole Notat. Notat took power in the union by force, and holds on to her position in the same way. Which leaves traces...
But, while it did not change its basic orientation, the CFDT did contribute to the increased activity and unity of the trade union movement. The common action with the CGT on 14 June 1995 raised, for the first time, the generalised reduction of the working week below 40 hours. The CFDT also participated in the 10 October one-day strike which, by its mass character and the spirit of broad co-operation of a range of forces, opened the possibility of a wider struggle. The confederation also signed the 30 October common platform for a common trade union front to defend the social security system.
The 180° turn came on 15 November, when Notat used a television show, to which she was invited along with Blondel and Viannet, to state her total support for the Juppé plan. If she had not done so, the Juppé government would have been paralysed almost immediately.
The enormous majority of honest CFDT members, including those who did not support the minority opposition, were shocked to discover that their General Secretary was ready to support a rightist government which was trying to impose antiworker policies. Particularly since many CFDT rail workers had just begun a strike against government plans to cut the service, and reduce their pension rights.
Notat even created a "Vigilance 26 International Viewpoint #277
Committee," to ensure that Juppé did not cede in the face of "lobbies of all kinds." Notat's support proved to be a key element of Juppé's success. Particularly since the Prime Minister was increasingly threatened from within the conservative camp, by a faction which was enraged at the clumsy way he had enflamed the country.
The CFDT opposition, which for eight years has organised around the Les Cahiers bulletin (circulation 1,000), and which represented about 35% of delegates at the 1995 Spring congress, reacted quickly to Notat's treachery. Many CFDT militants began marching and picketing covered in stickers identifying them as "CFDT in struggle." On 7 November 600 shop stewards signed a public appeal "CFDT: Unity and Action", which was published in Le Monde and elsewhere. A national meeting of CFDT unionists opposed to Notat was held in Paris in January 1996. A petition demanding an extraordinary congress has begun to circulate in the confederation. It registered 17% support at the confederation's latest National Confederal Council meeting. And the interventions by a number of regional and sectoral representatives at the council meeting reveal a considerable malaise, even among those who continue to accept the legitimacy of the Notat leadership. This also explains Notat's visits to a number of "majority" regions: she is mindful of the need to re-establish her control.
Notat threatens to isolate her opponents in the traditional way. Her violent attacks on those CFDT sectors "in struggle" create a sentiment of frustration, which encourage individual and collective resignation from the confederation. At the same time, she has not hesitated to place a number of "problematic" unions under central control, or threaten them with expulsion.
The CFDT opposition is now structured around "Tous ensemble" (All together!) a large-circulation monthly newspaper. It almost seems that the true CFDT tradition, which made the confederation strong in the 1970s, is being re-born, to rebuild the CFDT of the 21st century.
onclusion
This is a turbulent period for the union There are a range of possibilities. for a left intervention. • going along with the legitimate anger of the members who consider that Notat is breaking our common home. This is the base of the decision of some militants to leave the confederation, and reconstitute, slowly, a tissue of inter-professional links on the basis of the unions grouped in the "Group of Ten." The aim is, at a later period, to have an influence on the confederations, particularly the CGT. One thing is sure: a large number of rank-and-file CFDT members will not be able to support indefinitely the current situation, where they are obliged to struggle not just against the boss, but also against their own General Secretary. • another possible strategy is to try to go as far as possible in the struggle to build a public current for debate and action within the CFDT. The aim would be to represent a pole of regroupment in the multiple differentiations which are and will develop in the confederation, including, at a different rhythm, in the private sector. This is the strategy which will permit us to organise the largest possible opposition. Provided, of course, that such an opposition current is open to the world outside the CFDT. Provided that it seeks to win new workers to its ideas, and proposes a project of a unitary trade union movement.
Moments of sharp confrontation are invariably moments of rapid growth of consciousness. Things move fast. Notat will hardly remain inactive. She cannot tolerate a real, prolonged democratic debate.
The new expectations of the working population, and the hopes many workers put in the renovation of the trade union movement, should help us to establish sophisticated local and national structures, which listen to the workers, and enable them to debate and decide. The ideal development would be if those in the CGT who want to see union unity tried to understand and empathise with the problems and preoccupations of militants in the CFDT. And if those in SUD tried to think and act as if they were a current within a larger, unitary confederation. CFDT members need to control their legitimate frustration.
In Italy the trade union confederations propose a single confederation in the hope that they will be able to isolate the radical sectors of the movement. That idea is dead in France. Here, the project of an unitary confederation expresses the desire to include everyone who wants to see a pluralist structure regrouping most of the unions which are oriented to action. * Note 1. Statistics are taken from a recent study by Dominique Labbe, a researcher at Grenoble University