could certainly be made between these two treasuries, • Britain: Founding conference through a true federalism, with very rigid of Socialist Labour Party rules."
The fundamental orientation of the new government toward the economy will not be qualitatively different from that of the Amato, Ciampi and Dini governments.& There will be no weakening on the unemployment front, and the center-left government will have to take quite drastic, anti-popular measures to resolve the budget deficit and, more generally, the state debt problem, in the spirit of Maastricht. The PRC faces a difficult choice
There is considerable consensus among PRC leaders,° even if sometimes, for example over the stand-down agreement, there are negative votes and abstentions in the national political committee. This situation has not changed since April 21; the decision to allow the formation of the Prodi government without making any agreements or seeking any medium or long term accord has been confirmed. Now, the party's attitude will be decided based on what the government proposes to parliament and is able to carry out.
All this means the PRC risks entering a stormy period. Our electoral campaign centered on the 35 hour week without loss of pay, the reintroduction of a sliding wage scale adjusted for inflation, a radical fiscal reform, the reestablishment of proportional representation, opposition to presidentialist solutions, the right to vote for immigrants, opposition to Maastricht and NATO and a severe critique of the orientation of the trade union federations. In brief, we put forward an alternative project qualitatively different from that of the PDS and Olive Tree.
The problem now is that, if we place ourselves in opposition to the new government from the start, the center-left will not have a majority and will be obliged to seek alliances on its right, paying quite a high price.
This means that the PRC might appear as the gravedigger of a centre-lett government which had proposed renovation and protection (however illusory). We might be held responsible by the workers for a new crisis, and one with an uncontrollable dynlarge presence in parliament, and, despite its SOME 600 PEOPLE ATTENDED THE 1ST Annual conference of the new Socialist Labour Party (SLP) in London on May 4th.1
The initial appeal for a new party had been made in mid-January by miners' union leader Arthur Scargill, following discussions among a smaller network of activists, particularly within the rail workers, public sector workers and teachers unions. Over the following four months, 1,250 people joined the party.
A small number of local and regional trade union branches, representing some 3,100 members, have applied to affiliate to the SLP, but these moves have been challenged by the trade union bureaucracy. The leadership of the Transport and General Workers Union has told one North London branch that affiliation to any political party other than Labour would be against the union constitution. The dissident branch argues that the TGWU rule book also commits the union to the struggle for the common ownership of "the means of production, distribution and exchange". The deleting of this commitment from the Labour Party constitution in 1995 was a significant impulse towards the formation of the SLP. The commitments expressed in Clause Four of Labour's constitution may have been largely symbolic, but they were a constant embarrassment to Labour Party leaders, and their defence was a rallying point for the Labour left.
Only a limited number of policy documents had been prepared for discussion, amendments and approval at this conference. Policies were adopted on women, education, pensions, black liberation and anti-racism. A motion calling for an end to immigration controls was defeated by 182 votes to 114.
Concerning the Irish question, the conference approved a policy calling for an unconditional declaration of Britain's intention to withdraw from northern
The PRC must strive to put forward Ireland, the repatriation of all Irish political prisoners currently in mainland jails, and the immediate convening of unconditional all-party peace talks.
Most votes showed support for the resolutions proposed by the provisional steering committee. The party statutes were not debated or voted on.
Media attention also focused on the conference call for "the introduction of a four-day working week, without loss of pay, a ban on non-essential overtime, and voluntary early retirement at the age of 55, on full pay."
The majority of contributions to the economic debate confirmed that many SLP members see the capitalist system as such as the root problem. There was high interest in the interventions by representatives of Spain's United Left, the Italian Communist Refoundation Party (see article p.3) and Cuba's Communist Party.
SLP leader Arthur Scargill said that the party will only stand a limited number of candidates (some delegates say as few as 50) in the next general election. Given the party's limited human and financial resources, the priority will be to stand candidates where there is a possibility for left organising, and the contest includes a particularly hated Conservative or Labour candidate.
Debate continues on the British left over the timing and method of the SLP's launch, and over whether or not the party can develop into a major alternative to the Labour Party *
Mark Johnson Notes 1. The party was officially launched at a press conference on May Ist 2. An initial policy conference was held in March. This body set up working groups open to all members, which met separately in the run-up to the May 4th conference.
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Italy possible solutions and short term agreements, but concretely differentiate ourselves from the centre-left (without doing so a priori, in our own sectarian interest). We must e lotte seek to lead struggles:
counting not only on our own strength, but on the links we have established with mass movements that, we know, can't be built by propaganda alone.
This is the only possible approach at this moment in time.
The dangers
Notes 1. Including the Pannella-Sgarbi list. 2. Forza Italia went from 21.1% to 20.6%; its best results were in the European elections of June 1994(30.6%). The National Alliance went from 13.5% to 15.7%. 3. Even US President Clinton felt the need to emphasize that the US would collaborate with an Olive Tree government as with any other democratic government. 4. E.g. institutional reforms. 5. In 1994, the PDS received 20.4%. It gained 40,000 additional votes in absolute numbers, as well as the proportional votes for representatives of several minor parties. 6. Some examples of exaggerated effects of the electoral system; the movement headed by the incumbent prime minister, Dini, which proportionally won 4.3%, gained 27
11. The PPI (at around 5% of the vote) has 54 deputies and 26 senators. 7. Cofferati, the secretary of the CGIL, has spoken of a "Leaguist" danger in the ranks of his federation. At one Venice meeting of PRC leader Bertinotti, workers said they agreed with the social demands of the PRC, but would be voting for the League! 8. Italy dossier, International Viewpoint #274. 9. Particularly since one right-wing current left the PRC, taking with it an important number of deputies and members of the party leadership, but few ordinary members. 10. PDS Secretary D'Alema, has stressed the common origin of his party and the PRC. On May 1st, a Corriere della Sera journalist reminded PRC members of the definition which former CP leader Berlinguer gave in the 70's: "a party of opposition are serious.
Enormous pressure will be exerted on the PRC
The Contribution of Ernest
This will come from two at all levels.
directions: a "seductive offensive"
of
Mandel to Marxist Theory tempting proposals of participation in the or the political-economic government
Ernest Mandel Study Centre Amsterdam, July 4-6, 1996 management of the public sector, alternating with virulent attacks aiming to discredit and isolate the PRC, sowg disarray among
Speakers: • Jesús Albarracin and Pedro Montes (Economists, Bank of our electors and within our membership.
Spain): The theory of late capitalism as a Marxist interpretation of post-WW2
It will be hard to avoid having a reflexive approach, acting like a besieged fortress so as capitalism • Robin Blackburn (Editor, New Left Review, London): The place not to get trapped on a slippery slope. For of Ernest Mandel in the history of Marxist political thought • Alan Freeman sure, we cannot and will not assume the
(Economist, University of Greenwich): Economic dynamics: Mandels legacy • responsibility for an immediate failure of the
Michael Löwy (Sociologist, CNRS, Paris): Ernest Mandel as a revolutionary center-left goverment. In the initial phase of humanist • Francisco Louça (Economist, IESG-University of Lisbon): Ernest the new legislature, this will be a big influence
Mandel's contribution to the theory of long waves of capitalist development • on the PRC's tactical choices
Later, we will still support the govern-
Charles Post (Historian, City University of New York): The theory of ment where this allows the adoption of measbureaucracy • Catherine Samary (Economist, University of Paris XI): The ures affirming democratic rights or favorable conception of the transition to socialism • to workers. But no strategic agreement is possible with the Olive Tree and the Prodi government. The PRC cannot endorse govemmental actions that hurt workers® living standards. No budgets similar to those of the preceding government! No privatization of key economic sectors! And no Italian engagement in NATO military adventures. * seats in the Chamber, while the PRC (8.6%) won 35. In the Senate, the Greens (2.5%) elected 14 members and the PRC elected Enzo Traverso (Political Scientist, University of Amiens): Mandel's vision of the relation between capitalism and barbarism. 4 EMSC c/o IIRE, Postbus 53290, 1007 RG Amsterdam, The Netherlands. E-mail: IIRE@Antenna.nl Fax: (31 20) 6732106. 0 6717263 and a party of government." A Corriere della Sera editorial advocated "drowning
[the PRC] in kindness."
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