National Front ideas are also winning wider support. A recent Le Monde poll carried out by SOFRES suggests that 33% of The far right in Belgium the population agree with Jean-Marie Le Pen on immigration, 35% approve of his statements on security and justice, 31% support his initiatives "for the defence of traditional values. A second poll suggests that 45% of the population "dislikes" Arabs, the largest visible immigrant group, compared to "only" 42% en 1994, and 39% en 1990. Just over 75% of the population in communes where there are few or no foreigners agree with statements like "there are too many Arabs in France," compared to about 45% of the population in municipalities where over 10% of the community is foreign-born. Terrorising the right
Only a small number of conservative deputies and councillors are tempted to join the FN. But a much larger number are adapting their discourse to the right to minimise the danger of a FN challenge in the 1998 parliamentary elections. National Front votes presumably gain ground inside the FN Vincent Scheltiens
"Jobs for our own people first!" That's the title of the new, "social" programme, launched by the Vlaams Blok on May Day in the east Flanders town of Aalst. In a sharp attack on the social democratic party, Vlaams Blok leader Philippe De Winter claimed that "we have taken their votes. Now we will take their symbols." He was referring to the social and cultural resistance symbolised by the struggle of the Aalst Catholic Priest Daens at the beginning of the century. After the symbols, "we will take [their] power," promised De Winter.
The fundamental motivation behind the "social" campaign is the Blok's inability to break out of the cordon sanitaire imposed by the other parliamentary parties at every level. This embargo has isolated the Blok, despite its 10% of votes in Flanders, more than 10 parliamentary deputies in the Flemish and Belgium parliaments, and hundreds of municipal councillers
The influential rightist monthly Voorpost confirms the strategic importance of De Winter's "left turn on the social front." The time has come to bite the Flemish social democrats: discredited co-managers of the austerity crisis. While keeping open to the possibility of a realignment with Flemish neo-liberals and the right wing of Christian Democracy, in a Flemish version of Forza Italia
All eyes are rightly concentrated on Antwerp. The port city is governed by a the Front national. * grand coalition, ranging from neo-liberals to the greens and most of the red-green coalition. To maintain this bloc against the 18 fascist councillors, the left in this coalition has chosen, vote after vote, to accept budget and policy orientations determined by the non-fascist right. Except for Fourth International supporter Nadine Peters the only left councillor who has refused to sign the coalition agreement of the majority bloc. She argues that the majority's repeated concessions will, sooner or later, enable the Vlaams Blok to capitalise on legitimate discontent with the council, and break out of their isolation.
In the French-speaking south of the country, the Front national (National Front of Dr. Daniel Féret is loosing momentum, and divided into factions, opposing "leader-for-life" Féret and retired judge Marguerite Bastien. Both groups have appealed to their spiritual leader, French fascist leader Jean-Marie Le Pen, for "official" recognition.
Despite this marginalisation, and a series of corruption scandals, the National Front is continuing to put down roots in a number of new communes and districts of Brussels, the capital city. They are helped by the general climate: dominated by crisis, and influence by the government's obsessions with security and the "refugee problem". And by the continued decline in the anti-racist and anti-fascist movement in recent months. A gloomy picture. *