China: dissent inside the
Korea and Tokyo. It was supported by the previous South Korean federation of student councils, Chondaehyop. In subsequent years, the Unification Festival has alternated between the North and the South, drawing Korean activists from abroad as well as from the two Koreas. During the confrontation during this year's festival, North Korean officials and students staged their part of the Festival in the northern half of Panmunjom truce village on August 15th. 3. Hanchongnyon was formed in 1993, one year after the first Grand Unification Festival. The Federation chairperson, 25 year-old Chong Myong-ki, 25, is also student council president at Chonnam National University in Kwangju. The present Policy Consultation Committee of Hanchongnyon, made up of 20-30 militants, took office in April, around the same time that South Korean government circles began muttering about the "dangerous levels" of student activism on committee, which is the governing body of Hanchongnyon, consists of 1,600 representatives of the determines action plans and policy initiatives. There are two basic political tendencies within Hanchongnyon: National Liberation (NL) and Populace Democracy (PD). One government report claims that anti-government activists dominate 117 out of a total of 169 four-year universities across the nation. NL activists lead the student councils of 94 universities including Yonsei and Korea National University in Seoul and Chonnam National University in Kwangju. According to this report, Seoul National University and Sogang University are headed by conservative PD followers, while Ehwa Women's University is led by the 21st Century Progressive Student Front. None of these latter universities have managed to garner much enthusiasm for actions either on or off their campuses. The PD tendency decided not to take part in the 3-day Grand Unification Festival which opened last Tuesday at Yonsei, suggesting that participation was a matter of individual student choice. 4. Hanchongnyon is the southern partner in Pomchonghangnyon, the League of Pan-national Youth and Students. The League was established in 1992 to stage joint North and South student rallies for national unification. It facilitates fax communication between students in the North and the South through its liaison office in Berlin.
Communist Party Zhang Kai The Chinese Communist Party theoretical review Qiu Shi, No. 13, includes an article by General SecretaryJiang Zemin, "On Politics'. Jiang criticises "some cadres" for: not reading any books or journals; not studying party documents; not considering issues or problems from political perspectives; lacking political discretion and sensitivity; not implementing party policies they do not like; and ignoring party instructions. Jiang writes that "regionalism and protectionism in some areas and some departments have become very serious." He acknowledges that, for partial or individual interests, criminal acts have been
Considering that this criticism supposedly refers only to "some" party cadres, the list is rather long.
Xing Fensi, Vice President of the Party Cadre School and the Deputy Head of the Party Central Ideological Leadership Team, is more direct than Jiang. On June 6 he wrote a long article in the People's Daily entitled "Unwavering in persisting on Marxism — drawing a clear distinction between Marxism and anti-Marxism", ", The article admits that "there are indeed differences on some significant theoretical and practical problems " and that "there have already been rather significant interferences with the overall situation." • He refutes two "erroneous" views, one being that there is no more hope for state enterprises and the only way out is privatization; the other being that the shareholding form for state enterprises is also a form of private ownership. Xing argues that shareholding is not privatization. • Xing criticises the view that the serious polarization in distribution has caused the emergence of a new bourgeois class. Nevertheless, three researchers from the People's University have established that the Gini coefficient in China in 1994 is higher than that of the USA in 1990, indicating serious discrepancies between the rich and the poor in China. (New China Digest, February 1996). According to the State Statistics Bureau, in 1994 the registered capital of privately run and individual enterprises amounted to 441.8 million Yuan ($1 = 8 Yuan). This is nine times higher than in 1990. • He argues that "it is not valid to negate the Reform by Socialism, or adversely, to negate socialism by the reform, open-door policy and market economy." • Xing tries to argue that China's "socialist market economy" is different from the capitalist market economy, because "public ownership is the pillar"
and because of "state macro-economic control."
Xing's defence of Deng Xiaoping's theory of building socialism with Chinese characteristics is rather feeble. In reality, China has become a key site for imperialist investments. The People's Daily of July 14, made a front page appeal for people not to boycott foreign capital by resorting to uncritical defense of the national industries.
Other media have been more independent-minded. China's State and Strength, No.6, argues otherwise, saying that uncontrolled foreign capital will break the domestic economic ecology, causing considerable social turmoil. Qiu Xiaohua of the State Statistical Bureau claims that thi investment means
• 50-60% of domestic industrial consume goods will be replaced by foreign capital and one-third of the industrial goods market being taken up by foreign capital • unequal competition increases the difficulties of state-owned enterprises; • regional competition for foreign capita has caused the drain of state property:
• structural imbalance in investments, with funds concentrating on high-priced property, entertainment facilities and processing industries.
Intra-party struggle is heating up. At least two anonymous papers are circulating. One is entitled Factors affecting our state security, and the other is against peaceful transformation. These papers war that a new bureaucrat bourgeoisie and comprador bourgeoisie is emerging, and critique the flooding of bourgeois liberalization since 1992. However, both call for strict party ideological control. It is seen that the papers represent the manifesto of the Stalinist faction within the party. * Reprinted firm Oenuiber Re 10144. Hong King e-ma