Union leaders sabotage Liverpool dockers' strike
THE LIVERPOOL DOCKS DISPUTE IS reaching its first anniversary. The dockers were sacked when they refused to cross picket lines put in place by contract workers. This was a clear provocation set up by their management in order to attack the only remaining British port with a strongly organised workforce.
Since then the dockers have mounted an effective campaign of defiance, both in Liverpool and further abroad. They have done so despite the full weight of British anti-trade union legislation and in the face of attempts to buy them off.
The dockers' action remains unofficial. British anti-union law would make the Transport and General Workers Union (TGWU) open to legal action if they were to recognise the strike. But, according to Socialist Outlook newspaper, the TGWU is threatening to withdraw even the minimal support allowed by Britain's reactionary legislation. And while the International Transport Workers Federation (ITF) has given token public support, behind the scenes they have done everything possible to frustrate any real action in solidarity with the Liverpool dockers.
Despite this betrayal, the strikers have built a campaign garnering support from across the country, though this remains weak and has been ultimately unable to close down the Liverpool docks except for short periods. Recognising this weakness, the strikers have gone abroad to gather support from dockers world-wide. With their own fine tradition of support for other dockers in struggle, they have relied on rank and file contacts.
The dockers have inspired solidarity action across Europe, North America and Australasia. Even when this involves no more than delaying the loading/unloading of Liverpool-bound ships for a few hours, it has caused significant problems for some of the shipping lines using Liverpool and caused
It has proved possible for the Liverpool dockers to mount effective, "legal", pickets in New York which would be "illegal" and ineffective in Liverpool. The irony has not been lost on the British labour movement.
This is the key to the importance of what is, in itself, a relatively small dispute. But it continues to have a major political impact within the British labour movement, both because it shows that it is possible to defy the anti-trade union legislation and because it highlights why such defiance is necessary.
Many dockers in other countries face similar problems. The bold, direct networking of the Liverpool strikers has helped build an unprecedented and inspirational level of rank and file organising.
The far left has not made best use of its international contacts. We should redouble efforts to build solidarity with the striking Liverpool dockers! * Pete Robinson
The dockers, and their partners' organisation Women on the Waterfront, have put up a magnificent struggle, resisting several attempts by the Mersey Docks and Harbour Company to buy them out and building impressive international solidarity. Liverpool-based ships have been blacked and delayed and MHDC'S profits have been hit. What a contrast with the minimal public support, and behind-the-scenes sabotage of the leaders of the British and international trade unions which are supposed to represent the strikers. Pete Firmin and Mark Harrison LEADERS OF THE INTERNATIONAL TRANSPORT workers Federation (ITF) are deeply hostile to the independent international rank and file contacts pursued by the Liverpool dockers. In September, several European dockers unions pulled out of the (striker-sponsored) international dockers' conference in Liverpool after receiving last-minute faxes from ITF General Secretary David Cockcroft. Cockcroft was upset that direct links, international picketing, and actions like the occupations of gantry cranes in Montreal were taking place without his advance knowledge. The ITF has assured union leaders abroad that officials in the strikers union, the powerful Transport and General Workers Union (TGWU) will soon end the strike.
The TGWU, despite the "left" majority on its executive, will not give official support because the dockers' action is illegal, under the Tories' anti-union laws. Ironically, much of the publicity drive by dockers abroad would have been illegal here.
Britain *
In clear opposition to the strategy developed and still supported by a large majority of the strikers, the TGWU is seeking a settlement short of full reinstatement. In August, the TGWU's powerful Finance and General Purposes committee refused to meet with the stewards. And in early September, the union undermined the strikers' position by calling for negotiations "without preconditions."
There are threats that the TGWU National Executive will give the dockers an ultimatum: accept the deal they have already rejected, or lose all TGWU backing. Loss of TGWU support would mean exclusion from the TGWU's Liverpool office, and possibly the TGWU informing other unions and dockers unions internationally that they have withdrawn support, making it harder to win solidarity action.
This scandalous threat by the TGWU leadership is made easier because the dockers have never really challenged the TWU's lack of support. Instead, the dockers' leaders have argued that they are stronger without official backing. This is rather strange. In early September, TGWU General Secretary Bill Morris threatened the union's delegates at the annual conference of Britain's Trade Union Congress with disciplinary action if they moved that the dockers be allowed to address congress. This would have been more difficult for him to do if the dispute were official. When they have been allowed access to trade union conferences, dockers have won generous political and financial support.
Throughout the strike, the TGWU has given only token support. Union chairman Bill Morris occasionally speaks at rallies, and supposedly collects money for the dockers. Very little of this money has been seen by the strikers. Morris's main activity has been trying to sell the dockers out. He has brokered deals with the MDHC behind the dockers' backs and then tried to get them to
November 1996 #282 19
International dockers conference
Revolutionaire (LCR -- Fourth International), where we sold our T-shirts, books etc. The fête ended with a concert by Renaud, a popular French singer. He told the audience that sacked
Liverpool dockers were present, and asked them to give generously. At the end of the concert
• Britain accept. Fortunately, the dockers have stood firm and repeatedly rejected union-sponsored deals in which many of them would lose their jobs.
For the dockers the forthcoming talks with the port authorities (MDHC) must seek the reinstatement of all men sacked in the dispute, with the reinstated men taking up their jobs as dockers rather than redeployment into ancillary areas. Those who refine the strategy of what has become an international struggle.
The ITF and its affiliates were asked to work towards an international day of action on September 28th.
Delegates agreed to seek a co-
IVERPO wish to leave the industry must then be offered voluntary severance. TGWU General
Secretary Bill Morris says publicly
DOCKERS WORKERS that negotiations cannot go
beyond the 329 men directly employed by MDHC last September, and that, in any case, re-employment does not mean a return to work as a docker, but to any ancillary job proposed by the employer. This is exactly the same framework for talks as the MDHC itself proposes!
The employers are furious that the international blockade has done enough damage to convince shipping lines around the world that Liverpool is a 'strike-bound port'. For years, they have been able to limit militant activity by dealing with the national union, than with the Liverpool stewards who directly represent waterfront workers
Union leaders are concerned that a rank-and-file initiative could generate so much support. They know that it will be very difficult to regain control over the union membership, and impose a moderate "solution." Anti-union legislation brought in over a decade of Thatcherism limits the union's room for manoeuvre. As a result, the TGWU leadership has played a cautious hand, hardly publicising the lockout. "Which side are they on?" the strikers are asking. * Source: Socialist Outlook #108, 21 Sep tember 1996, and LabourNet (Chris Baily)
THE LIVERPOOL LOCKOUT WAS ONE YEAR old on 28th September. Several weeks earlier, dockers from 12 ports in eight countries attended a rank and file conference in Liverpool, called to debate tactics and ordinated campaign to hit all ACL/CAST traffic and containers, along with other shipping consortiums using Liverpool and
Medway ports.
Swedish and Danish dockers pledged to join Liverpool strikers in visits to
Germany, while French dockers promised to renew approaches to their colleagues in
Belgium and Holland.
A rolling programme of action in
Northern Europe, Southern Europe,
America, and Canada will seek support for boycotts, go-slows, and all other methods familiar to dockers which affect productivity and efficiency on Liverpool port's main remaining clients.
La Swedish initiative
[IV#279, June 1996], delegates resolved to introduce weekly collections for the
Liverpool strikers "in all ports where such activities are consistent with labour movement tradition."
Conference delegates signed a joint appeal with the sacked Liverpool dockers, calling on the ITF and its affiliated unions to contribute to the strike fund. They also recognised the need to formalise the conferences which have been held this weekend and last February, aimed at achieving a "democratic alliance of dock workers internationally." While both resolutions await ratification in the various organisations represented last weekend, delegates expressed their personal commitment to pursue these objectives. * Note 1. The conference was attended by delegates
• Vive la solidarité! Trish Barratt describes her visit to France for Women on the Waterfront "CHRISTIAN MET US AT THE AIRPORT IN Paris... from then on our feet never touched the ground. We spent most of that day with railway workers from the CGT discussing the docks dispute and exchanging experiences. The big Villeneuve St. George railway centre was one of the most important during the strike last November and December. We were given a medal commemorating the 50th anniversary of railway workers' solidarity and shown around the railway repair works. Freddie also went to speak to postal workers who were striking the following day. I couldn't help thinking of the postal workers back home who were about to go on strike. There was also a meeting with Allfortville unemployment committee.
We met staff at the SUD education union offices and were welcomed at a union mass meeting. In the afternoon we were interviewed by Radio Paris Pluriel. Next day we took our banner on the 50,000 strong manifestation against privatisation organised by railway unions...
At a CGT trade union conference in Rouen we spoke about the dockers dispute and there was a great deal of interest. We also met Le Havre dock workers and arranged to meet them the following week. A meeting organised by the CGT, "CFDT in stuggle" [see IV#281, October 1996] and SUD-Rail unions was supported by factory unions (Rhone-Poulenc, Renault) and the students' union.
Back in Paris [...] we went to a one-day festival organised by the Ligue Communiste we collected £700 ($1,090). * 20 International Viewpoint from trade unions and/or port workers organisations in Australia, Britain, Canada, Denmark, France, Spain, Sweden and the USA. Delegates represented port workers from Sydney, Montreal, Arhus, Copenhagen, Le Havre, Tarragona, Bilbao, Stockholm, Gothenburg, Portland (Oregon), St. Johns (New Brunswick), and, of course, Liverpool. For more information... Messages of support should be sent to : MPSSC, c/o TGWU, Transport House, Islington, Liverpool L3 8EQ © +44 151 207 3388. Fax 298 1044. www.gn.apc.org/labournet/docks/index.html. For latest news on the strike and solidarity activity contact Socialist Outlook, PO Box 1109, London N4 2AA. © +44 181 800 7460: fax 880 1846. E-mail <outlook@gn.apc.org >
----- pull-quotes on this page -----
U DI
----- photo credits and running heads -----
*
The message to workers everywhere *LIVERPOOL DOCKERS HAVE BEEN LOCKED OUT by the Mersey Docks and Harbour Company Most of the 500 dockers have given their working lives to the docks; many have between 30 to 40 years' service. The fault lies squarely on the shoulders of the employers who stand for Tory government policy - "a low wage/high profit" Britain.
In 1989, the government abolished the National Dock Labour Scheme, taking away every right won in trade union struggle for over 100 years. Backed by the anti-trade union laws and huge government financial handouts, the port employers succeeded in defeating the strike, smashing union recognition, cutting wages and introducing part-time casual work in all British ports, except in Liverpool.
This was the only port where a trade union force of dockers continued to exist which was not casualised. But whereas before the 1989 strike there were over 1,000 dockers in the Mersey ports, at the end of that year only 400
Since 1989 dockers have had mass disciplining, falling safety standards and constant threats of dismissal. Shop stewards were de-recognised and union rights undermined.
Four years ago 80 dockers' sons were taken on by Torside Limited on different terms from the other dockers. This was agreed only because the dockers were concerned about the future of the port and the future of trade unionism in the industry. It was through an attack on this group that the present lockout was engineered. Torside Limited 'offered' redundancies, saying they wanted to cut the workforce by 20 and employ agency, part-time labour. There was a unanimous strike ballot. The employers backed down. But only until the legal 28-day time limit for the ballot was used up. Then they organised a provocation, sacking all 80 dockers who put up a picket line which the other dockers would not cross. All the dockers were then locked out.
The dockers' crime is that they fought to protect jobs and help young workers to get a future. The dockers' fight is for regular employment, for the conditions that their forefathers won and for the right to collective organisation. Their fight is therefore the fight of millions of men and women throughout Britain, facing uncertainty of employment both day-to-day and long term.
We cannot allow this tragedy to unfold. Our port is the historic lifeblood of our community and it symbolises the regeneration of our great city. We cannot allow the scars of casual labour, inhumane working environments, the absence of democratic rights of representation, to destroy the dignity of our waterfront. We ask the Merseyside community to support our just cause, to right a wrong. We ask workers everywhere to support us." * Source: Dockers web site: http:// www. gn.apc.org/ labournet/ docks/ index.html>
TEG
The 500 sacked Liverpool dockers, most of them with 25-30 years' service, are fighting for their jobs. They demand:
• The right to permanent work for a living wage, social hours, proper conditions and a retirement pension.
• The right to a trade union, with democratically elected on-the-job representation.
Their main employer, the Mersey
Docks & Harbour Company wants:
• A greatly reduced workforce with no trade union rights, hired on individual contracts with long.
unsocial hours, plus flexible shifts
• A back-up pool of casual agency labour, with no rights, to be hired and fired as required.
On the Company's side are the international shipping, banking, insurance and agency-labour companies, backed up by the state's anti-trade-union laws. The port employer has received millions in government cash hand-outs and so-called development grants. For six years, since the defeat of our 1989 strike, the company has been trying to put Liverpool on the same footing as every other port in Britain.
That is why the Mersey Docks and
Harbour Company is prepared to gamble millions in this battle for cheap casual labour and a union-free port.
• They have hired Drake
International to hire and fire scabs who are brought into the port by
• They have installed portakabins inside the dock fitted with TVs and washing machines so that the scabs do not have to pass the
• They have brought container ships into the port free of charge in an effort to prove that they have an up-and-running port.
Liverpool dockers knew about the company's weaknesses before the strike started. They also knew that, because of the 1989 defeat, they could not rely on solidarity actions from dockers in other
British ports. So they acted on three main
• They established a firm financial and organisational basis for the strike, taking the fight out into the whole community in Merseyside.
Britain * Who wants what ? They explained in leaflets that casual labour and trade union rights are not merely issues for us, but for every worker, employed and unemployed They organised six community rallies, published a strike newspaper, The Dockers
Charter, and won a huge response throughout the country.
• They won the support of
Merseyside church leaders, Euro
MPs and Labour MPs who are waging the fight in the Labour
Party and in parliament.
• They sent delegations and letters to dockers internationally, calling on them to take solidarity action in support of the fight in Liverpool.
Crucially, dockers in Australia,
Canada and the US have refused to touch container vessels loaded by scab labour.
The striking dockers continue to believe that support from millions of people in this country and the international solidarity action of their brothers and sisters throughout the world can change the situation.
• We call on dockers in every other port in Britain to take heart.
Realise your strength, reinstate the union in the ports. Build support for our strike and for international solidarity.
• We demand that the Tory government carries out its 1989 promise that casual labour would not be introduced into the ports.
• We demand a public inquiry into the affairs of the Mersey Docks &
Harbour Company.
• We will campaign for one port authority, for a shorter working week, proper wages, holidays and sick benefit and we will advance our fight over pension con-
• We call for the election of a
Labour government, and demand that it repeals the anti-union laws as a first priority. Source: Dockers Charter and<http:// www.gn.apc. org/1 abournet/docks /index.html>
WORKERS
November 1996#282 21