International Viewpoint Archive

The Fourth International’s English-language review, from 1982

Asia: South Korea in the Streets

· International Viewpoint No. 285, February 1997 · pp 17-18 · 1,240 words

Japan and Korea

While many people were in high spirits, and many strikers encouraged by the growing signs of popular support, there were signs of strain among the industrial workers who had been on strike since December 27th, facing regular violent confrontations with the police and strike breakers. In a terrible sign of the rising frustration of some strikers, 33 year old auto worker Chong Chae-sok set fire to himself in the southern city of Ulsan. Chong was among some 20,000 Hyundai

February 1997 #285 17

* South Korea workers who clashed with teargas-spraying riot police on a January 11th march towards the Ulsan City Hall. Remaining firm

As they maximised their outreach efforts, KCTU leaders stressed that militants should expect that the Korean government would reject the workers demands and suppress the movement by force. Sure enough, on January 7th, 217 unionists were summoned for questioning by the public prosecutors. Arrest warrants were later issued for 20 top leaders of the KCTU. Despite growing threats from the government, striker militancy remained strong, and public support continued to grow. "Our protest strikes will continue until President Kim Young-sam accepts our demands and apologises to 12 million workers," said KCTU President Kwon Young-gil, who took refuge in Myongdong Cathedral after a warrant was issued for his

The first signs of hesitation in the ruling class began to appear. Senior government officials held a series of emergency meetings to find a solution to the two week old walkout. But the overall picture was of total state determination to defeat the strike. Public prosecutors backed by riot police occupied and searched the offices of the KCTU, the Korean Federation Automobile Workers Unions, the Korean Federation of Professional and Technicians Unions, and the Korean Council of Hospital Unions.

That weekend the KCTU leadership held an urgent strategic meeting. It would be more difficult to bring workers into the streets for demonstrations and protest rallies on weekends, they argued. Most strikes in Korea are sit-down strikes where workers come to their workplace for union meetings, and go from there to mass street rallies and other

Some workers returned to work on Monday to find the factory ground under police control, while the government repeated its threats to use massive force against remaining strikers. This generated two kinds of reaction; subdued resentment and defeatism, combined with angry, volatile outbursts.

Organisers realised that there would be no continuation of the well disciplined and peaceful rallies of the first three weeks of struggle, with 200,000 workers and their supporters weaving through the streets of the country's major cities every day.

The KCTU strategy team decided that the government could win if it used troops to break up all demonstrations and enforce a return to work in key sectors. It was unlikely that the police would raid the cathedral compound where top union leaders were camping. But it might be necessary for the confederation's leadership to go underground. This, or massive arrests at the Cathedral, would leave the union without stable leadership for a considerable time. In the climate of repression, many workers would return to work. And the Federation of Korean Trade Unions would quickly run down its own 18 International Viewpoint

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half-hearted protests, once the pressure of the

After their meeting, the KCTU leadership issued a public statement which, with hindsight, seems to reveal the ambiguity in the leadership's position, and the recognition that they would soon be asking members to justify something less than the full repeal of the unpopular legislation. "The KCTU leadership has been forged by more than ten year of struggle to build an independent representative trade union movement, and can be expected to undertake all possible effort to maintain the peaceful nature of the general

Message from the

KCTU Question: How can you support this genuine workers' strike in achieving victory? Answer: By protesting to the Korean government! • KCTU hopes that workers or any overseas supporters of our struggle organise protest rallies in tront of Korean embassies in their countries. • We urge you to send protest letters to the Kim Young-sam government. Fax no: 822-855-1913

Encourage Korean workers in their struggle to act bravely and fight for their livelihood!

Most of the workers involved in the general strike action gave up their year-end annual bonus and salary for the cause of workers' rights. It is a very difficult time for them and their tamilies. We appeal to all concerned groups and supporters to make donations to the strikers of KCTU so that they may continue the strike. Every little will mo at the International Department of KCTU. Send donations to the strikers to: Kim In Soog (KCTU). Korean (Foreign) Exchange Bank. Account number: 141-05-1003-7 Fax: 001-822-765-2011 E-mail: kctuint@chollian.dacom.co.kr strike, so as to induce the government to make a sincere commitment to reopen the process of discussion on genuine reform of the labour law."

While they felt they could not win in an escalation of the conflict, KCTU leaders still hoped that if they could maintain the general strike for another week, they would force the government to come to the discussion table, and agree to reopen the parliamentary debate. This would allow the re-amendment of the unpopular labour law by the parliamentary opposition, or even the constitutional court.

Korean radicals are still arguing about what actually happened on Wednesday 15th January, the first day of what unions hoped would be phase three of the general strike. Government threats to use troops to arrest strikers, and assure "essential services" frightened many strikers into returning to work. Shop stewards and local organisers seem to have been surprised by the shift in

In a sure sign that they were willing to unleash massive repression, the government said that "Communist North Korea may take advantage of the situation to start a revolution in the South." In a country where "visiting" the North Korean press agency's Internet site can bring years of imprisonment, this was a clear threat to use national security legislation to smash the strike, and presumably roll back a few democratic rights in the process.

But the news that day was not uniformly bad. After virtually ignoring the strike for a week, FKTU-affiliated unions representing 700,000 workers in 16 industries announced their own 39-hour strike. Back to work

On Saturday 18th January, KCTU President Kwon Young-gil announced a dramatic change in tactics. The all-out strike was to be replaced with one-day walkouts every Wednesday, and mass rallies on Wednesdays and Saturdays. Kwon and the other six "wanted" union leaders would continue their sit-down protest in Seoul Cathedral. On February 18th, strikes would resume if the labour law was not repealed

Union leaders justified this sudden change in tactics by a "new turn in the political situation." After 23 days of struggle, workers were tired, Kwon told journalists While public support for the strikers demands was expanding rapidly, to opposition parties, academic, religious circles, and ordinary citizens, the "front-line organisation of strikers" was "beginning to reveal the limits of persistence" common to long strikes of this intensity.

Other KCTU leaders said that the influences of "hard-liners" in the government camp seemed to be shrinking. "Even in the ruling party, the logic of revision of the law is rising. In these "relatively moderate" circumstances, union leaders hoped their decision to suspend the general strike would "maintain pressure on the government, and at the same time block the possibility of public censure" of the strikers.

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