Most have been disarmed, and have surrendered their arms and uniforms. We discovered an incredible quantity of weapons in Kinshasa, in barracks, in the university, and in private houses. The officers of the Alliance are puzzled: why didn't Mobutu's soldiers defend the town, since they had all the military resources they could have needed? Many of Mobutu's troops fled to CongoBrazzaville, contributing to the instability there. There will doubtless be some talk now about integrating part of Mobutu's armed forces into the new army, but it isn't planned for the moment. • What relationship do the Alliance troops have with the population?
Generally, the relationship is good. These are young, but very disciplined soldiers. Obviously, there have been mistakes, like the famous prohibition of miniskirts and hotpants. But these are isolated incidents, and the authorities have spoken on the radio to
• Will there be a multi-party system?
Or will political parties be suspended?
For the moment, we have suspended
COCAD/CADTM party activities like large street demonstrations. But the parties themselves have not been banned or suspended. The Patriotic
Front functions normally, and we continue to
Freeze Mobutu's assets!
assure the population that there are no directives of this type, and that any victims of aggression from the Alliance troops should
The Brussels-based Campaign to Abolish Third World Debt (COCAD) has initiated make a complaint in the offices which the a campaign demanding that governments freeze the assets of the Mobutu clan.
new authorities are opening.
You have to understand that we still have
During the 32 years of Mobutu's rule, And the country's foreign debt should
15,000 Alliance soldiers sleeping outside, because the former regime's demobilised troops and their families are occupying the barracks. We haven't expelled them, because there is nowhere for them to go. This is causing all kinds of logistical problems and, obviously, the occasional regrettable incident.
• How will you select delegates to the
June 1998 Constituent Assembly?
We quickly realised that it would be impossible to organise a Constituent Assembly this summer, as we had promised. The democratic opposition's experience with the Sovereign National Conference a few years ago showed that, in a large country like this, you need time to organise any truly representative event. My own party is pushing for a speedy publication of clarification and the government's plans for this Assembly.
average income in Congo-Zaire declined by 65%. When the dictator finally fled earlier this year, the country's health budget was a meagre US 3.5 cents. The Financial Times (12 May) estimates Mobutu's personal fortune as over US$ 4 billion, or enough to re-pay one third of the country's foreign debt. The dictator stole about half of the $8.5 bn. which Zaire borrowed between 1982 and 1994. And only about 10% of diamond exports passed through the state accounts. The rest fattened the pockets of the Mobutu clan. Since 1978, the key company Gecamines paid all revenues from its monopoly in copper and cobalt exports to a special, presidential bank account.
According to COCAD, "this considerable wealth should be returned to the legitimate authorities in Congo-Zaire."
be cancelled immediately. "For years, the IMF, World Bank and the western countries have tolerated, even supported this regime of pillage. Do they have the right to demand that the people of Congo-Zaire must repay a debt which they did were not responsible for? We think that the people of Congo-Zaire have the right to reclaim the riches which were stolen from them, and the public finds stolen by the dictator and his court.
The demand to freeze Mobutu's assets abroad came from the opposition to that regime. We should support and amplify their call for the return of these resources to the new authorities in the Democratic Republic of Congo." * To add your name to this statement, contact COCAD/CADTM, 29, rue Plantin, 1070 Brussels.
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have regular meetings with the membership. In areas where there is an office of the Alliance, we have held a couple of joint meetings, and there has been no interference.
The new government has clearly said that there is no plan to ban political parties. But certain interests are spreading rumours to the contrary. It must be clear that, until the new authorities have mastered the situation, we must prevent these particular interests and the supporters of the previous regime, from blocking the installation of the new regime. • What discussions led to the formation of the new government?
I can't say. But I do know that our party, the Front Patriotique, was the first group which the Alliance (AFDL) contacted when it entered Kinshasa. Since most of the Alliance leaders didn't know Kinshasa, and the political 'microcosm' here, we advised them that it would be premature to form a government in the first 72 hours. We suggested that they wait, and make a serious selection of the new members. In particular, we warned them of the interests grouped around Etienne Tshisekedi, and the danger that they prevent us from managing the country.
Most of public opinion, including within Tshisekedi's own party, the UDPS, is divided in its judgement of the Alliance. But most of the population is in favour of the changes which have taken place. • What are the first measures planned by the new government?
Firstly, a rapid improvement in the public transport system. Then measures to help the of various tendencies, that we should re-discuss and reconsider this conception of "social market economy." Let those who propose it, say exactly what they mean!
For the time being, it is hard to say what the Alliance really thinks, because they have been so preoccupied with organising and carrying out the war. Only now are the fundamental questions being asked. • Is the recent privatisation of the railways an indication of the Alliance's sensibilities? [The stations were being occupied by railway workers who had been sacked when the company was privatised -- Ed]